FML: 'We need more millennials in politics' - Canadanewsmedia
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FML: 'We need more millennials in politics'



VANCOUVER—Gavin Dew rejects the stereotype of millennials “as a generation of entitled whiners who are professionally and politically disengaged.”

That’s why he founded a new non-partisan group, the Forum for Millennial Leadership (FML), which aims to get young adults into office — regardless of party, ideology or level of government.

Millennials (born from the early 1980s to 2000) know what FML means. And to redefine it, they need to stop yelling from outside the door and start being in the room at the decision-making table, Dew said.

“Many of the key policy challenges today disproportionately affect millennials, issues like housing affordability, transportation and child care,” he explained in an interview. “We won’t get there by complaining. We’ll get there by competing and winning.”

Besides, those in their 20s and 30s are now the largest demographic in Canada, ahead of the baby boomers (born 1946-1964) and are increasingly voting in larger numbers, Dew said.

The starting point is the Lower Mainland, but Dew intends to expand across the country. The idea is to elect a generation of municipal leaders who can “ladder up” over time to higher levels of government, he said.

“Our goal is to change the political calculus and push parties to compete to run the strongest millennial candidates who will bring in support from all generations,” he said.

This comes at a time when the city of Vancouver is experiencing a “political vacuum” with only three incumbents on the 11-member council seeking re-election.

FML launched with the release of opinion research conducted by Research Co., a British Columbian polling company. It sheds light on what all voters — no matter the age — are thinking in the lead-up to municipal elections on Oct. 20.

Many millennial British Columbians see city council as impacting them “most” in their daily lives. Yet despite seeing municipal government as important, this group lacks direct representation, Dew said.

“For example, there are 155 mayors and councillors in Metro Vancouver, and only a dozen are under 40 — in a region that has one of the highest concentrations of millennials in Canada,” Dew noted.

And in Metro Vancouver where housing is “by far the top issue,” Dew said it’s more important than ever to be involved in policy decisions.

That’s one of the reasons that recently-announced city council candidate, Raza Mirza, 33, decided to run with ProVancouver — a new umbrella organization that functions like a party uniting independent candidates on their slate.

The housing advocate and father of two has been outspoken on social media as a member of Housing Action for Local Taxpayers. He has stepped down since announcing.

“On October 20th, my daughter would have lived in her fifth home before her fourth birthday. This lack of stable family housing has become a problem for too many young families to look the other way,” he said in a release.

There is a strong demand for a new generation of leaders, according to the findings. Roughly 75 per cent of British Columbians — from 18 to 55 — want to see younger people take a leadership role in politics. That sentiment carried across the partisan spectrum from left to right.

But only 26 per cent of millennials believed that their age could be taken seriously as candidates, according to the poll. That represents a serious confidence gap, Dew said, which is part of the challenge of getting young people to run.

More than half of millennial respondents thought that becoming a politician “changes people for the worse” and running for office would have a negative effect on their life. Meanwhile, a whopping 76 per cent thought it would mean losing their privacy.

What’s more, 60 per cent of women felt themselves “unqualified.”

That’s because young men are much more likely to run than young women, said Non-Partisan Association Coun. Melissa De Genova, currently the only millennial on Vancouver’s council.

“Overall, there is still a stigma about age out there,” she explained in an interview. “When I wanted to run, I was told that I could wait and do it later in life … Or when I was pregnant last year, there were a number of people that assumed that I wasn’t running in this year’s election.”

But that was not the case. De Genova is one of three incumbents vying to keep her position on council.

And she said it wasn’t easy. She recalled being told she was “too young” or “not experienced enough” to run. But to imagine the future of Vancouver, equal representation includes millennials at the table to advocate for their needs.

Some of the barriers to becoming politically-engaged facing the young generation include the cost of living, the gender gap and the stigma toward younger people being politically involved.

But Dew dispelled the myth that millennials won’t have enough experience to make policy decisions.

“It’s hard to convince them to run for office when the trade-offs are tough and they don’t think they can be taken seriously,” he said. “Start running serious millennial candidates in winnable ridings and you’ll see plenty millennial candidates with a ton of experience and credibility.”

Read more:

OneCity nominates city council candidates, doubles down on zoning reform

Metrotown rental demolitions shake up Burnaby’s left-wing political dynasty

Vancouver music scene hopes city plan ends ‘talent drain’

Melanie Green is a Vancouver-based reporter covering food culture and policy. Follow her on Twitter: @mdgmedia

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Digital Advertising Upends Formula For How Political Parties Pick Winners And Losers




AdExchanger Politics” is a recurring feature that tracks developments in politics and digital advertising. 

Today’s column is written by Ray Kingman, CEO at Semcasting.

Political parties and their leadership pick winners and losers – when they legislate and, especially, in how they allocate resources to candidates running for office.

The idea of picking winners and losers through spending isn’t without precedent. On the eve of the 2016 election, the conventional wisdom was that Donald Trump would lose badly. Three weeks before Election Day, Politico reported that the Republican National Committee had spent zero dollars on television ads.

In the 2018 midterms, the formula for deciding winners and losers could be based on a different dynamic due to the polarization within the parties and the ways in which digital communication is democratizing the campaign process for more candidates.

With as many as four or five “parties” seemingly in play in this election cycle, how do party loyalty and the candidate’s flavor of ideology affect fundraising and on-the-ground support from the national parties?

For example, the challenge for the GOP seeking to retain control of the House and Senate is determining which GOP “party” they are going to back – the traditional Republican establishment, Tea Party Freedom Caucus members or the Trump-ites? On the Democrat side, will national support go toward traditional Democrats, the Bernie Bros or those on the far left?

Traditionally, the national parties and Congressional leadership direct a significant portion of fundraising and determine the races worth contesting. These groups historically throw resources behind candidates that allow them to buy prime-time television advertising and, more importantly, fully fund get-out-the-vote (GOTV) efforts in local districts.

However, many candidates in 2018 are taking the Citizen’s United ruling to heart by raising significant war chests and building campaign infrastructures independent of their party.

The GOP outraised the Democrats by a wide margin in 2017, but that advantage has all but disappeared. A record number of emergent state, local and congressional candidates are running for the first time on the Democratic Party side. Many younger candidates and female candidates are stepping up and breaking records for enthusiasm and fundraising.

In the second fundraising quarter of 2018, 50 of these House Democratic candidates outraised Republican incumbents, with 21 of them raising more than $1 million. In open races with no incumbent, the Democratic candidates have outraised the GOP in 25 of the 30 races.

Part of a 2018 candidate’s go-it-alone strategy is based on the fact that voters are more inclined to consume information digitally. Some 43% of adults get their news online, and that trend is accelerating, according to a 2017 Pew Research study.

Through social, display and mobile devices, candidates have more refined tools for reaching the voters they want to reach. Instead of wasting half of their campaign dollars on TV to reach everyone in a designated market area or ZIP code, candidates have increasingly bought into digital. Borrell Associates forecasts digital at 22% of political spend for 2018. At an estimated $1.9 billion, this is a 2,539% increase in digital since 2014, while broadcast television spend is forecast at $3.3 billion, a drop of 30% for the same period.

Increased polarization is a driving factor in pushing campaign managers to be very precise about their ad buys. They limit their targeting to the constituents that they align with and who they feel are persuadable on specific issues. Programmatic targeting at the individual voter level helps candidates reach the intended audience with display, social and especially streaming video on mobile and connected TV.

While spending on social media is actually forecast to decline slightly from 2016 because of Facebook’s controversies, mobile and streaming video are expected to more than make up for it. Compared to the same quarter last year, the audience for video delivered over the internet is experiencing astronomical growth across movies, episodic TV shows and linear television. EMarketer forecasts that 22 million people will have cut the cord on cable, satellite or telco TV service – up 62% from 16.7 million in 2016.

A threefold increase in mobile and connected TV streaming services also aligns with major increases in engagement from urban and millennial voters – a traditional stronghold of Democrats.

While institutional and PAC monies from both sides will come into play in the final two months to support the party favorites that have the best chance of winning, those bets will be placed to protect parties that most voters see as divided.

Fortunately, candidates who have built their own infrastructure and established a robust following will have the resources to drive their own messaging on key local issues and GOTV in their districts. Persuasion and GOTV efforts for them will continue at record levels – in no small part because of their engagement with digital media on the devices that their voters have come to trust.

Follow Semcasting (@Semcasting) and AdExchanger (@adexchanger) on Twitter.

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Tiffany Haddish Shows No One Escapes the Nightmare of Thanksgiving Politics in The Oath




And now we know what she looks like getting tased.

Long before 2016, many people had survived their families at Thanksgiving by instituting strict "no politics" rules. Now that we’re all trapped in an unending collective nightmare, that might be a morally questionable policy—but in Tiffany Haddish’s newest movie, it looks completely impossible.

Haddish stars alongside Ike Barinholtz in The Oath (which is also Barinholtz’s directorial debut) about a family Thanksgiving that goes from fighting over politics to fighting with fists and knives. There are plenty of lines that sound like they could have come from almost any Internet comments section—like, "My favorite thing about liberals! As soon as they’re triggered, they call everyone a Nazi"—but framed by some cryptic, The Purge-sounding government mandate called the "Patriot Oath."

The Oath debuts October 12, with enough time for you to have your own Thanksgiving where you can tell someone, "I just want to one more time say I am really sorry you got tased."

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Turnbull supporters rally in face of Dutton leadership rumblings – politics live




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  1. Turnbull supporters rally in face of Dutton leadership rumblings – politics live  The Guardian
  2. Full coverage

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