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A primer on Canadian politics for Americans watching the Freedom Convoy – National Post

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Yes, Question Period is a chance for other MPs to yell at the prime minister, but Trudeau is definitely not Fidel Castro’s love child

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One of the biggest political stories in the United States right now is Canadian. The “Freedom Convoy” has attracted the attention of a whole cross-section of U.S. lawmakers, and is getting widespread news coverage, particularly in conservative media. But as thousands of Americans take a close interest in Canadian politics for the first time in their lives, it’s easy to become confused by the strange workings of our particular subarctic constitutional monarchy. Thus, as a public service to our very good American friends, the National Post presents this primer into the Canadian political system.

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We have a regular event where politicians yell at the prime minister

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has made quite a few statements about the truckers in the House of Commons (none of which were very supportive).

The venue was something known as Question Period. The prime minister remains the Canadian equivalent of a congressman (a member of parliament), so he has a seat in the House of Commons like everyone else. (Trudeau’s “district,” if you’re wondering, is a piece of downtown Montreal, Que.) Unlike the U.S., where the executive branch is headed by a president who is directly elected to the position, we simply hand our executive powers to whoever happens to be the most powerful MP.

What this means is that we have a regularly scheduled event known as Question Period where the prime minister takes his usual seat in the House of Commons and is assailed with abuse by members of the opposition. Heckling is allowed, but not nearly to the extent that the Brits do it.

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Justin Trudeau, Canada’s prime minister, speaks during a news conference on Parliament Hill in Ottawa, Ontario, Canada, on Friday, Feb. 11, 2022.  Photographer: David Kawai/Bloomberg

We have no Second or First Amendment

This is a big one: Canada does not have absolute free speech and never has. This is actually the case in most of the world; one of the most unique things about the U.S. system is its near-total guarantee on free speech. For one thing, Canada criminalizes what it calls “hate speech”; in 2005, for instance, Indigenous leader David Ahenakew went to trial and was ultimately slapped with a fine for expressing his support for Adolf Hitler in comments to a reporter.

Firearms law also differs sharply from the U.S. Canadians love their guns and would probably be considered among the world’s most-armed countries if not for the proximity of the unbelievably gun-loving United States. But the key difference is that the Canadian system does not technically sanction firearms ownership for personal protection — and we absolutely don’t sanction it in order to ensure that citizens can overthrow the government if it gets too tyrannous.

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Guns here can only technically be used for sports and hunting. And the Royal Canadian Mounted Police maintains pretty wide powers to strip away the gun licence of anyone it wants to.

We don’t need impeachment to get rid of our leader

A fair number of Freedom Convoyers probably wouldn’t mind seeing the immediate departure of Trudeau from office. In the U.S., kicking out an incumbent national leader is an excruciatingly long process of impeachment, at the end of which you’re forced to get their vice president anyway.

But the Canadian system allows the firing of any prime minister at any time and for any reason; Trudeau keeps his job only because a majority of the House of Commons are willing to keep him there.

That could change on a dime for a couple of reasons. First, Trudeau’s party could decide to kick him out as leader. A majority of Liberal Party MPs could revolt tomorrow morning to kick out Trudeau and pick his replacement. That actually just happened on the opposition benches; last week Canada’s Conservative Party turfed out leader Erin O’Toole and replaced him with Candice Bergen (not the Murphy Brown actress, a different one).

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People wave flags on top of a truck in front of Parliament Hill in Ottawa, on Feb. 6. Photo by Patrick Doyle/Reuters

Secondly, the other parties in the House of Commons could get together and topple Trudeau with a coalition. The Liberals do not currently have a majority of seats in the House of Commons, so they’re at constant risk of this happening. The main reason it doesn’t happen is because the other parties in the House of Commons have so little in common.

If you thought it was hard to get Republicans and Democrats to agree, try doing it with conservatives, democratic socialists, environmentalists and a literal separatist party.

The Canadian constitution is actually remarkably toothless as compared to the American one

For starters, our constitution is so young that some of the people who signed it are still alive. It was signed in 1982. Before then, Canada largely ran itself like the United Kingdom: No set constitution, but we knew the general rules thanks to a stapled together pile of precedents and edicts dating back to the days of the fur trade.

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Freedom Convoyers will often cite the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, which like the U.S. Constitution contains stirring passages guaranteeing our citizens’ rights to “freedom of conscience and religion,” “freedom of thought,” and “freedom of association.”

There’s just one problem: Our constitution also tells governments how to infringe those rights. A preamble to the document says that Canadian rights and freedoms only exist within “reasonable limits.” There’s even a section where provincial governments can ignore the Charter of Rights and Freedoms altogether so long as they announce it publicly (this is how the province of Quebec was able to pass laws banning religious head coverings).

The U.S. Supreme Court, of course, recently slapped down a federal attempt to impose nationwide vaccine mandates. Canadians have also tried to get our Supreme Court to slap down mandates as a violation of basic personal liberties, but in part due to our watered-down constitution the Canadian challenges keep failing.

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Blockading stuff is illegal here (as it is in America)

U.S. defenders of Freedom Convoy will often claim that it is a peaceful, legal protest. Fox News host Tucker Carlson said as much in a recent segment on the convoy, and Texas Congressman Dan Crenshaw tweeted that Freedom Convoy was merely engaged in a “lawful protest” against federal COVID strictures.

Yes, Freedom Convoy has been remarkably non-violent, but it’s still pretty illegal to blockade public infrastructure.

In Ontario (the province that contains Ottawa), the Highway Traffic Act naturally forbids people from setting up their own roadblocks. Blockades are also a violation of the federal Criminal Code, which prescribes up to five years’ imprisonment for anyone who “blocks or obstructs a highway.”

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Protestors and supporters attend a blockade at the foot of the Ambassador Bridge, sealing off the flow of commercial traffic over the bridge into Canada from Detroit, on February 11, 2022 in Windsor, Canada. Photo by Cole Burston /Getty Images

This isn’t any different in the United States: When protesters took over a section of Seattle in 2020 it broke any number of laws — it’s just that nobody wanted to enforce those laws.

Some of our political rituals are remarkably old-timey

As the Canadian quarters gumming up your vending machines may have indicated, the Queen is still a thing here. Queen Elizabeth II is officially Canada’s head of state, which is why Freedom Convoyers keep weirdly petitioning the Queen to fire Trudeau.

As avid watchers of The Crown know all too well, Elizabeth II does technically have the power to pick who gets to be prime minister. But one of the primary reasons we’re still comfortable keeping her around is that she never, ever does. The Queen delegates all her Canadian duties to a Governor General (currently a woman named Mary Simon), and the Governor General’s job is to do what parliament tells them.

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Governor General Mary Simon delivers the Throne Speech, at the Senate in Ottawa, November 23, 2021. Photo by Sean Kilpatrick/The Canadian Press

American watchers of Canadian politics also appear to be confused by some of the regalia used in the Canadian House of Commons. Take this recent Reddit question where someone asks why the Canadian Speaker of the House dresses like he’s going to a 19th century masquerade ball. The quick answer is that’s how the Brits dress their Speaker of the House and we’ve never seen the reason to do it any different (it’s also why parliament’s Sergeant-at-Arms wears a bicorn hat).

All those pictures you’re seeing of Trudeau in blackface are real (but he’s not Castro’s love child)

If you’re spending any time on a Freedom Convoy social media forum, you might see a photo of Trudeau clad in some version of black or brownface.

Trudeau seen wearing blackface during a 2001 Arabian Nights costume party. Photo by Canada Proud/Twitter

These are not photoshops. Trudeau’s love of cosplay is well-known, and right up until the early 2000s this indeed included frequent trips to the makeup chair for elaborate costumes depicting Arab sheiks, Harry Belafonte or just a generic black man.

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Trudeau also bears a striking resemblance to the former dictator of Cuba, Fidel Castro. Given that Trudeau’s mother knew Castro personally (and raved about him in her autobiography), this has naturally led to speculation that Canada is actually led by the secret love child of one of the United States’ enemies.

The National Post actually looked into this in some detail, and the timelines simply don’t line up between Trudeau’s birth and his mother’s first encounter with Castro. It’s also worth noting that Trudeau’s father Pierre Elliott Trudeau (who was also a prime minister), similarly had a striking resemblance to the Cuban leader.

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Alberta Premier Smith aims to help fund private school construction

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EDMONTON – Alberta Premier Danielle Smith says her government’s $8.6-billion plan to fast-track building new schools will include a pilot project to incentivize private ones.

Smith said the ultimate goal is to create thousands of new spaces for an exploding number of new students at a reduced cost to taxpayers.

“We want to put all of the different school options on the same level playing field,” Smith told a news conference in Calgary Wednesday.

Smith did not offer details about how much private school construction costs might be incentivized, but said she wants to see what independent schools might pitch.

“We’re putting it out there as a pilot to see if there is any interest in partnering on the same basis that we’ll be building the other schools with the different (public) school boards,” she said.

Smith made the announcement a day after she announced the multibillion-dollar school build to address soaring numbers of new students.

By quadrupling the current school construction budget to $8.6 billion, the province aims to offer up 30 new schools each year, adding 50,000 new student spaces within three years.

The government also wants to build or expand five charter school buildings per year, starting in next year’s budget, adding 12,500 spaces within four years.

Currently, non-profit independent schools can get some grants worth about 70 per cent of what students in public schools receive per student from the province.

However, those grants don’t cover major construction costs.

John Jagersma, executive director of the Association of Independent Schools and Colleges of Alberta, said he’s interested in having conversations with the government about incentives.

He said the province has never directly funded major capital costs for their facilities before, and said he doesn’t think the association has ever asked for full capital funding.

He said community or religious groups traditionally cover those costs, but they can help take the pressure off the public or separate systems.

“We think we can do our part,” Jagersma said.

Dennis MacNeil, head of the Public School Boards Association of Alberta, said they welcome the new funding, but said money for private school builds would set a precedent that could ultimately hurt the public system.

“We believe that the first school in any community should be a public school, because only public schools accept all kids that come through their doors and provide programming for them,” he said.

Jason Schilling, president of the Alberta Teachers’ Association, said if public dollars are going to be spent on building private schools, then students in the public system should be able to equitably access those schools.

“No other province spends as much money on private schools as Alberta does, and it’s at the detriment of public schools, where over 90 per cent of students go to school,” he said.

Schilling also said the province needs about 5,000 teachers now, but the government announcement didn’t offer a plan to train and hire thousands more over the next few years.

Alberta NDP Leader Naheed Nenshi on Tuesday praised the $8.6 billion as a “generational investment” in education, but said private schools have different mandates and the result could be schools not being built where they are needed most.

“Using that money to build public schools is more efficient, it’s smarter, it’s faster, and it will serve students better,” Nenshi said.

Education Minister Demetrios Nicolaides’ office declined to answer specific questions about the pilot project Wednesday, saying it’s still under development.

“Options and considerations for making capital more affordable for independent schools are being explored,” a spokesperson said. “Further information on this program will be forthcoming in the near future.”

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 18, 2024.

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Health Minister Mark Holland appeals to Senate not to amend pharmacare bill

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OTTAWA – Health Minister Mark Holland urged a committee of senators Wednesday not to tweak the pharmacare bill he carefully negotiated with the NDP earlier this year.

The bill would underpin a potential national, single-payer pharmacare program and allow the health minister to negotiate with provinces and territories to cover some diabetes and contraceptive medications.

It was the result of weeks of political negotiations with the New Democrats, who early this year threatened to pull out of their supply-and-confidence deal with the Liberals unless they could agree on the wording.

“Academics and experts have suggested amendments to this bill to most of us here, I think,” Independent Senator Rosemary Moodie told Holland at a meeting of the Senate’s social affairs committee.

Holland appeared before the committee as it considers the bill. He said he respects the role of the Senate, but that the pharmacare legislation is, in his view, “a little bit different.”

“It was balanced on a pinhead,” he told the committee.

“This is by far — and I’ve been involved in a lot of complex things — the most difficult bit of business I’ve ever been in. Every syllable, every word in this bill was debated and argued over.”

Holland also asked the senators to move quickly to pass the legislation, to avoid lending credence to Conservative critiques that the program is a fantasy.

When asked about the Liberals’ proposed pharmacare program for diabetes and birth control, Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre has often responded that the program isn’t real. Once the legislation is passed, the minister must negotiate with every provincial government to actually administer the program, which could take many months.

“If we spend a long time wordsmithing and trying to make the legislation perfect, then the criticism that it’s not real starts to feel real for people, because they don’t actually get drugs, they don’t get an improvement in their life,” Holland told the committee.

He told the committee that one of the reasons he signed a preliminary deal with his counterpart in British Columbia was to help answer some of the Senate’s questions about how the program would work in practice.

The memorandum of understanding between Ottawa and B.C. lays out how to province will use funds from the pharmacare bill to expand on its existing public coverage of contraceptives to include hormone replacement therapy to treat menopausal symptoms.

The agreement isn’t binding, and Holland would still need to formalize talks with the province when and if the Senate passes the bill based on any changes the senators decide to make.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 18, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Nova Scotia NDP accuse government of prioritizing landlord profits over renters

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HALIFAX – Nova Scotia’s NDP are accusing the government of prioritizing landlords over residents who need an affordable place to live, as the opposition party tables a bill aimed at addressing the housing crisis.

NDP Leader Claudia Chender took aim at the Progressive Conservatives Wednesday ahead of introducing two new housing bills, saying the government “seems to be more focused on helping wealthy developers than everyday families.”

The Minister of Service Nova Scotia has said the government’s own housing legislation will “balance” the needs of tenants and landlords by extending the five per cent cap on rent until the end of 2027. But critics have called the cap extension useless because it allows landlords to raise rents past five per cent on fixed-term leases as long as property owners sign with a new renter.

Chender said the rules around fixed-term leases give landlords the “financial incentive to evict,” resulting in more people pushed into homelessness. She also criticized the part of the government bill that will permit landlords to issue eviction notices after three days of unpaid rent instead of 15.

The Tories’ housing bill, she said, represents a “shocking admission from this government that they are more concerned with conversations around landlord profits … than they are about Nova Scotians who are trying to find a home they can afford.”

The premier’s office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Also included in the government’s new housing legislation are clearer conditions for landlords to end a tenancy, such as criminal behaviour, disturbing fellow tenants, repeated late rental payments and extraordinary damage to a unit. It will also prohibit tenants from subletting units for more than they are paying.

The first NDP bill tabled Wednesday would create a “homelessness task force” to gather data to try to prevent homelessness, and the second would set limits on evictions during the winter and for seniors who meet income eligibility requirements for social housing and have lived in the same home for more than 10 years.

The NDP has previously tabled legislation that would create a $500 tax credit for renters and tie rent control to housing units instead of the individual.

Earlier this week landlords defended the use of the contentious fixed-term leases, saying they need to have the option to raise rent higher than five per cent to maintain their properties and recoup costs. Landlord Yarviv Gadish, who manages three properties in the Halifax area, called the use of fixed-term leases “absolutely essential” in order to keep his apartments presentable and to get a return on his investment.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 18, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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