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Asian powers are unlikely to ease Russia’s economic woes – Al Jazeera English

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“Where the enemy advances, we retreat. Where the enemy retreats, we pursue,” Mao Zedong, the founding father of communist China, once said to highlight the importance of strategic dynamism at times of crisis. After embarking on an all-out invasion of Ukraine, which has triggered a crippling wave of Western sanctions and left its economy in need of an urgent lifeline, Russia is now expected to follow Mao’s playbook and seek new opportunities in the East.

The problem, however, is that Russia’s unprovoked aggression in Europe may have ruined its once sky-high chances of making a successful pivot towards the lucrative markets of Asia.

Indeed, while China has offered some diplomatic and economic support to Russia since the invasion, many other economic heavyweights in the region have made it clear that they are horrified by Russian President Vladimir Putin’s brutal actions.

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Asia’s most industrialised economies – Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and Singapore – imposed sweeping sanctions on Russia. The vast majority of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) members backed the United Nations General Assembly resolution, which unequivocally condemned Russia’s armed aggression against a sovereign neighbour. Crucially, even traditionally pro-Moscow nations such as Vietnam are struggling to conduct trade with Russia amid sweeping international sanctions, which now extend to global shipping lines as well as financial institutions. Thus, after being completely pushed out of Western markets, Moscow is unlikely to find itself a welcoming new home in Asia.

Marching to the East

For centuries, the double-headed eagle has been a symbol strongly associated with Russia, representing the powerful empire’s desire to expand its influence both to its West and its East. Yet, it wasn’t until the formation of the Soviet Union and the beginning of the Cold War that Russia – the beating heart of the union – really began to carve out spheres of influence across Asia, including much of Indo-China. In particular, Moscow served as a key ally to the communist forces in Vietnam, which managed to defeat France, the United States and eventually China.

The collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s, however, ushered in a prolonged era of Russian absence from East Asian strategic affairs. Hobbled by economic crises at home, and troubled by North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) expansion across Central and Eastern Europe, Russia largely remained on the defensive – and uninterested in East Asia – way into the first decade of the 21st century. But in the last decade or so, the Eurasian power began to consciously reorient its strategic focus. In 2012, for example, it spent a whopping $21bn on its easternmost major city, Vladivostok, in preparation for the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Summit that was to be held there. The following year, President Putin reiterated his country’s pivot to the east at the St Petersburg International Economic Forum, where he vowed to revitalise public infrastructure in the Siberian region as well as seek new opportunities in Asian markets. Not long after, Russia finalised a massive, 30-year energy deal with China worth $400bn, setting the stage for a new era of economic cooperation with Asia’s leading economic powers.

In 2016, Putin personally visited Japan to improve strategic and economic ties with the world’s third-largest economy. Russia also offered space technology and energy resources through a proposed trans-Korean pipeline to neighbouring South Korea, another Asian economic dynamo.

In return for its efforts, Russia welcomed consumer goods as well as manufacturing investments from Asia.

A golden opportunity

Especially since its 2014 annexation of Crimea, which triggered Western sanctions and a consequent recession, Russia has been focusing its attention on lucrative Eastern markets. It is not surprising that it was in Southeast Asia where Russia found the most promising market opportunities. After all, the region is home to several of Russia’s traditional allies such as Vietnam, Laos and Myanmar, which have historically relied on Russian weaponry and military training to beef up their national defence.

Between 1995 and 2019, Vietnam alone purchased $7.4bn worth of Russian armaments, including submarines, amid rising territorial and maritime tensions with China. In 2019, the Southeast Asian country also signed a $350m contract to acquire training aircraft from Moscow. In the past two decades, Russia exported as much as $10.7bn in military hardware to Southeast Asia, eclipsing the export volume of both China ($2.6bn) and the US ($8.2bn).

Crucially, the recent rise of strongman populists in Southeast Asia’s two largest nations, Indonesia and the Philippines, presented a golden opportunity for Russia.

Shortly after coming to power, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte described the Russian president as his “favourite hero”, marking the beginning of a new era of bilateral defence cooperation between Manila and Moscow. Soon, Russia began regularly deploying warships to the country’s waters for goodwill visits. Moscow also assigned a defence attaché to the Philippines – the first in the history of the country’s relations – in order to expedite large-scale defence deals.

Meanwhile, Indonesian defence minister Prabowo Subianto, a former general notorious for his Putin-style macho antics, started to pursue massive arms deals with Russia to modernise the Southeast Asian country’s defence forces.

Many Southeast Asian countries also invited major Russian energy companies to invest in their offshore energy resources across the South China Sea and waters off the coast of Indonesia’s Natuna Islands.

When the pandemic hit Asia, Russia also became the first major power to offer COVID-19 vaccines to Southeast Asia, and even entered into joint-production ventures with Vietnam and Indonesia. Overall, Russia successfully presented itself as an alternative “third force” amid intensified Sino-American competition across the region.

All fall down

With its invasion of Ukraine, however, Russia placed its hard-earned strategic capital in Asia in jeopardy. So far, North Korea is the only state in the region that has consistently and publicly supported Moscow’s latest gambit and, among ASEAN nations, it was only Laos and Vietnam who abstained from the vote on the UNGA resolution condemning the invasion.

As former victims of colonialism, much of Asia has been distraught by Russia’s unprovoked invasion of a sovereign neighbour. Singapore’s foreign affairs minister Vivian Balakrishnan condemned Russia’s “act of war” and described it as an “existential” concern for his country. In a rare move, the city-state, which serves as a global financial hub, joined the major regional economies of Japan, South Korea and Taiwan in imposing sweeping sanctions on Russia.

Even prior to its invasion of Ukraine, Russia was struggling to expand its trade and investment footprint in the region due to Western sanctions. In 2019, Russia-ASEAN bilateral trade stood at only $18.2bn, dwarfed by China’s ($644bn) and the US’s ($292.4bn). Japan, South Korea and Taiwan also made sure that they are relatively less dependent on Russian oil and gas imports, instead preferring to deal with Middle Eastern producers.

Amid a new round of even more punishing sanctions, which target key sectors of the Russian economy, it will become even more difficult – if not impossible – for Moscow to expand its energy exports to Asia’s most industrialised nations or fully implement its recent free trade agreements with the likes of Singapore and Vietnam. Above all, Moscow will likely also suffer major setbacks in defence equipment exports. For years, the prospect of US sanctions dissuaded key Southeast Asian states from procuring large-scale Russian weaponry. Following the events of the past two weeks, they will likely be even more reluctant to involve themselves in such transactions with Russia.

Earlier this year, Indonesia scrapped a multi-billion-dollar defence deal with Moscow in favour of agreements with France and the US, partly due to concerns over Western sanctions. With Washington further tightening the noose around Russia’s industrial-military complex following the Ukraine crisis, more regional states, especially US allies such as the Philippines, are expected to reconsider any major purchases from Moscow. Already ostracised in Europe, a heavily sanctioned Russia may also struggle to find much love in Asia.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

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Economy

Charting the Global Economy: Fed Delay Recalibrates All Rates – BNN Bloomberg

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(Bloomberg) — Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell signaled US central bankers will wait longer to cut borrowing costs following a series of surprisingly high inflation readings, which reduces room for easier policy around the world.

Global finance chiefs convening in Washington for the International Monetary Fund-World Bank spring meetings are sweating the strength of the US economy, as elevated interest rates and a strong dollar force other currencies lower and complicate plans to bring down borrowing costs.

Meanwhile, an escalation of the conflict in the Middle East is raising concerns of a wider regional war that could send oil prices over $100 a barrel.

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Here are some of the charts that appeared on Bloomberg this week on the latest developments in the global economy, geopolitics and markets:

World

The high tide for global interest rates has passed, but respite for the world economy may be limited as policymakers stay wary at the threat of inflation. Powell’s latest pivot creates a quandary for central bankers around the world.

The IMF inched up its expectations for global economic growth this year, citing strength in the US and some emerging markets, while warning the outlook remains cautious amid persistent inflation and geopolitical risks. 

The increasingly hopeful economic story of 2024 so far is that of a world headed for a soft landing. Unfortunately that same world is also becoming more dangerous, divided, indebted and unequal.

US

US retail sales rose by more than forecast in March and the prior month was revised higher, showcasing resilient consumer demand that keeps fueling a surprisingly strong economy. So-called control-group sales — which are used to calculate gross domestic product — jumped by the most since the start of last year.

As President Joe Biden this week hailed America’s booming economy as the strongest in the world during a reelection campaign tour of battleground-state Pennsylvania, global finance chiefs convening in Washington had a different message: cool it. While the world’s largest economy is helping support global growth, it also means the US is “slightly overheated,” the IMF’s Kristalina Georgieva said — thanks in part to Washington’s fiscal stance, with the budget gap pushing toward 7% of GDP.

Emerging Markets

Israel reportedly struck back at Iran on Friday morning, following days of frantic diplomacy from the US and European nations in which they tried to convince Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu not to respond too aggressively, if at all, to the Iranian attack. Their main concern is to avoid a wider war in a region already roiled by the Israel-Hamas conflict and which could send oil prices above $100 a barrel.

India forecast an above-normal monsoon this year, raising optimism that ample rains will spur crop output and economic growth, as well as prompt the government to ease curbs on exports of wheat, rice and sugar. Forecast of a normal monsoon bodes well for easing food costs, and headline consumer price inflation eventually, said Anubhuti Sahay, head of economic research, South Asia, at Standard Chartered Plc.

Europe

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen is unleashing a barrage of trade restrictions against China as she seeks to follow through on a pledge to make the EU a more relevant political player on the global stage. It’s in the area of clean tech where the EU is most fervently fighting to stave off competition from cheap Chinese imports of everything from EVs to solar panels.

UK inflation slowed less than expected last month as fuel prices crept higher, prompting traders to further unwind bets on how many interest rate cuts the Bank of England will deliver this year.

Asia

China reported faster-than-expected economic growth in the first quarter – along with some numbers that suggest things are set to get tougher in the rest of the year. Gross domestic product climbed 5.3% in the period, accelerating slightly from the previous quarter and beating estimates. But much of the bounce came in the first two months of the year. In March, growth in retail sales slumped and industrial output fell short of forecasts, suggesting challenges on the horizon.

–With assistance from John Ainger, Irina Anghel, Enda Curran, Shawn Donnan, James Hirai, Rajesh Kumar Singh, John Liu, Lucille Liu, Eric Martin, Alberto Nardelli, Tom Orlik (Economist), Pratik Parija, Zoe Schneeweiss, Craig Stirling and Fran Wang.

©2024 Bloomberg L.P.

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Bobby Kennedy And The Ownership Economy – Forbes

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In recent decades, populist presidential campaigns have arisen from the left (Bernie Sanders) and the right (Pat Buchanan). Both of these campaigns had limited appeal across the political spectrum or even attempted to engage Americans of diverse political views.

Over the past year in his independent presidential campaign, Bobby Kennedy Jr. has sought to bring together members of both major political parties, with a form of economic populism that expands ownership opportunities. In contrast to Sanders, Kennedy’s goal is not to grow the welfare state or state control over the economy. His economic populism is free-market oriented, aimed at building a broader property-owning middle class. It is aimed at widening the number of worker-owners with a stake in the market system, through their ownership of homes, businesses, employee stock and profit sharing, and other assets.

Whether Kennedy’s economic strategies can achieve the goals of ownership and the middle class he has set, remains to be determined. But his “ownership economy” is one that should be discussed and debated. Currently, it is largely ignored by the legacy media—or subsumed by the parade of articles speculating about of how many votes he will “take away” from President Biden or President Trump.

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I wrote about Kennedy’s heterodox jobs program late last summer. In the eight months since, he has sharpened his jobs agenda, and connected it to a broader platform of worker ownership. It is time to revisit the campaign’s economic themes, briefly noting three of the subjects Kennedy often speaks about in 2024: the abandonment of vast sections of the blue collar economy, low wage workforces, and the marginalization of small businesses.

Abandonment Of Blue Collar Economy

“Compensate the losers” is the way that political scientist Ruy Teixeira characterizes the Democratic Party approach to the blue collar economy since the 1990s. According to this approach, workers whose jobs are impacted by environmental policies (oil and gas workers) or trade polices (heavy manufacturing workers) will be retrained for jobs in the green economy or in advanced manufacturing or even as white collar fields like information technology (the oil worker as coder). Since the 1990s a vast network of dislocated worker programs and rapid-response programs have arisen and are prominent under the Biden administration.

As might be expected, retraining hasn’t proved so easy in practice. One example: here in Northern California, the Marathon Oil
MRO
refinery closed in October 2020, laying off 345 workers. The federal and state government immediately came in with the union offering a range of retraining and job placement services. A study by the UC Berkeley Labor Center found that even a year after closure, a quarter of the workers were still unemployed. Those that were employed earned a median of $12 less than their previous jobs. Other studies similarly have identified the gap between theories of skills transference and re-employment and the realities for most blue collar workers—including the realties of alternative energy jobs today that usually pay considerably less than oil and gas jobs.

Each refinery closure or plant closure has its own business dynamics, and in many cases, like the Marathon Oil refinery, the facility will not be able to avoid closing. Re-employment cannot be avoided. Kennedy has spoken of improving the re-training and re-employment process for laid off workers, implementing best practices in retraining with the participation of unions and worker organizations.

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Manufacturing jobs as a share of total jobs have been in decline for the past four decades, and even as he urges trade policies for reshoring jobs, Kennedy recognizes that manufacturing going forward will be a limited part of the blue collar economy. The blue collar jobs of the future will increasingly be in the trades and services. Kennedy has enlisted “Dirty Jobs” host Mike Rowe to highlight the importance of the trades, and identify policies that can improve conditions and wages for the trades. Among these policies: a greater share of the higher education federal budget redirected from colleges into training in the trades, and support for the workers who seek to enter and remain in the trades.

Improving the economic position of blue collar workers also means expanding employee stock ownership and profit sharing. While worker cooperatives have failed to gain traction in America, forms of employee stock ownership and profit sharing are being implemented in companies with significant blue collar workforces, such as Procter & Gamble
PG
, Southwest Airlines
LUV
and Chobani. Kennedy poses the challenge: Let’s have workers-as-owners more fully share in the economic success of their employers.

Inflation Impact On Low Wage Workers

In nearly all of his talks on the economy, Kennedy addresses the issue of affordability, and how inflation has undercut wages of America’s lower wage workforces. He posts regularly on the increased cost of food, transportation, and housing, the financial strains on working class and middle class families, the number of workers who live paycheck to paycheck. When the March national jobs report was issued earlier this month, he noted the slowdown in year-over wage growth (at 4.1% the lowest year-over increase since 2021) and the increase in part-time jobs.

Kennedy recognizes that many of the low wage workforces are in such sectors as long-term care, retail, and hospitality, in which profit margins for employers are tight, and employers have limited flexibility individually to raise wages. Kennedy continues his calls for a higher minimum wage, reducing health care costs, strengthening protections and benefits for workers in the gig economy. He urges a reconsideration of trade and tax policies and the need for immigration policies that secure the nation’s borders. Kennedy’s strict border policies reflect both the “humanitarian crisis” he sees with the drug cartels and migrants, as well as the impact of unchecked immigration on the wages of low wage service and production workers.

Home ownership has a special place in Kennedy’s ownership economy, as part of bringing more workers into the middle class, and he has stepped up his advocacy on home ownership. Across society, widespread home ownership stabilizes communities, promotes civic involvement, serves as a hedge against social disorders.

Small And Independent Businesses

During the pandemic, Kennedy warned that economic lockdowns were devastating the small business economy. Today, in a regular series of podcasts on small business, he highlights the ongoing small business struggles. Just this past week, the National Federation of Independent Business, the nation’s largest small business organization, released a survey showing small business optimism is at its lowest level since 2012.

As with home ownership, Kennedy characterizes widespread small business ownership in terms of the social values as well as the values to the individual owners. Small business drives enterprise and service to others, in providing goods and services that customers value and will pay for. It drives job creation, including for individuals who do not fit easily into larger employment venues. A Kennedy Administration will prioritize rebuilding the small business economy, particularly in rural and inner city communities.

Kennedy’s small business agenda goes beyond a laundry list of small business grant and loan programs. As with the wage question, Kennedy seeks to tie a vibrant small business economy to underlying trade and tax policies. He also seeks to tie this economy to reforms in federal government procurement policies, which he describes as ineffectual.

Economic Challenges And Alternatives

The middle class society and economy of the 1950s that Kennedy grew up in and is central to his worldview was the product of unique economic forces and America’s dominant position in the post-World War II period. There is no way to get back to it, and recreating it will be more difficult than in the past, in the now global economy, and with rapidly advancing technologies.

But a broad middle class of worker-owners, is the right goal, and private sector ownership the right approach. People may find Kennedy’s strategies insufficiently detailed or unrealistic or even counterproductive. But Kennedy raises thoughtful challenges and alternatives to the economic platforms of the two main parties—just as he is raising serious challenges on a range of other issues.

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Biden's Hot Economy Stokes Currency Fears for the Rest of World – Bloomberg

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As Joe Biden this week hailed America’s booming economy as the strongest in the world during a reelection campaign tour of battleground-state Pennsylvania, global finance chiefs convening in Washington had a different message: cool it.

The push-back from central bank governors and finance ministers gathering for the International Monetary Fund-World Bank spring meetings highlight how the sting from a surging US economy — manifested through high interest rates and a strong dollar — is ricocheting around the world by forcing other currencies lower and complicating plans to bring down borrowing costs.

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