Braid: 2023 a roller-coaster for Danielle Smith and Alberta politics, with no signs 2024 will be any different | Canada News Media
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Braid: 2023 a roller-coaster for Danielle Smith and Alberta politics, with no signs 2024 will be any different

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From the opening bell last New Year’s Day, this has been a tumultuous, scandal-plagued, divisive year in Alberta politics.

Premier Danielle Smith can only hope 2024 doesn’t start the same way.

She was so besieged in the first months that the NDP seemed likely to win the election set for May 29.

In January, Smith took a phone call during which street preacher Artur Pawlowski pressured her to drop charges against him for his COVID protest activities.

That call echoed for months, reaching peak public frenzy when a phone video went public.

The premier not only sympathized with Pawlowski’s request (although uncomfortably), she immediately consulted by phone with her then-Justice minister Tyler Shandro.

An ethics investigation ensued with the election creeping ever closer.

On May 19, right in mid-campaign, commissioner Marguerite Trussler released her report.

It found Smith had been in conflict of interest because she talked to Shandro. At the same time, Trussler ruled there was no evidence that Smith’s office communicated with Crown prosecutors to get charges dropped.

Following his phone call with Premier Danielle Smith, street preacher Artur Pawlowski has started his own party. Postmedia file photo

The NDP could hardly have invented a script more likely to damage the premier on voting day.

And yet, the polls never showed that the scandal was seriously hurting Smith and the UCP.

Some people liked her stance against COVID prosecutions and didn’t see anything wrong with talking to Pawlowski. Many conservatives dismissed the scandal as media-driven.

Along the bumpy road to the election, Smith also directed the government to buy children’s pain medication because of a shortage.

Five million bottles — from Turkey — cost the province $80 million. Delivery was much delayed. In the end, the whole experiment was an expensive flop.

Smith also fired the entire board of Alberta Health Services and installed Dr. John Cowell as official administrator. He was paid $360,000 for six months and then renewed for another term, same paycheque.

That was only the beginning of Smith’s uprooting of the AHS system.

The UCP government pledged that privatizing lab services with Dynalife would save taxpayers money. Photo by Larry Wong /Postmedia

April brought the first signs of a truly disastrous policy failure in health care — the inability of Dynalife Labs to provide timely testing at clinics in Calgary and across southern Alberta.

Late in 2022, the government had agreed to privatize southern testing, then in the hands of Alberta Precision Laboratories, the public body created by the NDP.

Dynalife had done that work successfully in Edmonton and the north for decades. But the expansion to southern Alberta was a fiasco, leaving patients unable to get simple lab appointments for weeks and even months.

The government threw support at Dynalife but the problems persisted.

August brought a dramatic conclusion; Health Minister Adriana LaGrange announced that Dynalife would leave lab testing entirely. The company was withdrawing not just from southern Alberta, but from Edmonton and the north.

The UCP handed the whole field to Alberta Precision Labs. A policy designed to fully privatize provincial testing ended up with fully public testing.

This surely cost the government a great deal of money. But no details are public of the costs, process or what went wrong with the contract announced early in the year.

This flyer promoting a potential Alberta pension plan was mailed out by the government in the fall of 2023. Photo by Supplied

Many other pre-election challenges were flying at Smith, mostly from her past. She promised nobody would ever pay personally for health care, but her own record showed she supported private payment, even writing a university paper about it.

She favoured an Alberta pension plan but abruptly stopped talking about it as the election approached. It was not included in the party platform.

By election day, some UCP supporters and even MLAs saw Smith as their biggest problem. But on May 29, the party captured 48 seats to the NDP’s 38.

One reason was surely the premier’s introduction of the Sovereignty Act the previous December. For her large anti-Ottawa base, this offset other issues.

In March, the government brought in a crowd-pleaser for many UCP adherents, a bill that claims to remove all firearms enforcement from federal control, even saying that federal officials cannot seize weapons in Alberta.

Those measures locked down considerable support, but the biggest election factor may have been generous government aid as inflation ran high and personal expenses rose sharply.

The UCP stopped collecting 13 cents per litre of gasoline tax and extended that break to Dec. 31. It deferred some electricity costs, although the savings would have to be repaid when rates dropped.

The UCP led off its election campaign with a promise to lower personal income tax on income up to $60,000. This would save individuals more than $700 a year, and families more than $1,500.

Those pocketbook measures probably did the trick for the UCP, although the NDP hurt its own chances by promising to raise taxes on big companies. This was no campaign to talk about hiking anybody’s expenses.

Since the election, Smith has reverted to many of her previous plans.

The pension scheme is pressed resolutely by the government, with $7.5 million in advertising and a panel that technically consults but doesn’t care to meet Albertans in person.

Just before Christmas, Smith and Finance Minister Nate Horner said the income tax break will probably be phased in over several years, not applied all at once as most people expected from the original promise.

 
An Alberta Health Services building. Photo by Postmedia file photo

In November, she announced that giant Alberta Health Services will be responsible only for acute care rather than most of the provincial health system.

AHS will be co-equal with three new authorities overseeing primary care, continuing care, and mental health and addictions.

This strips AHS of overall provincial health responsibility that it assumed in 2008.

During the COVID pandemic, many people in rural Alberta blamed AHS for restrictions.

The premier shares that distaste, both for the reach of AHS and its bureaucratic padding.

Smith has also ramped up her attack on Ottawa climate measures, especially electricity regulations and the new emissions cap for the oil and gas industry.

She demands the resignation of federal Climate Change and Environment Minister Steven Guilbeault, saying he is “treacherous” and impossible to work with.

In late November, the government finally introduced a motion for action under the Sovereignty Act.

It empowers provincial officials not to co-operate with federal regulations regarding net-zero electricity.

This year began with Danielle Smith in trouble and ends with her firmly in charge. But tranquillity is not in the cards for 2024.

 

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New Brunswick Premier Blaine Higgs kicks off provincial election campaign

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FREDERICTON – New Brunswick Premier Blaine Higgs has called an election for Oct. 21, signalling the beginning of a 33-day campaign expected to focus on pocketbook issues and the government’s provocative approach to gender identity policies.

The 70-year-old Progressive Conservative leader, who is seeking a third term in office, has attracted national attention by requiring teachers to get parental consent before they can use the preferred names and pronouns of young students.

More recently, however, the former Irving Oil executive has tried to win over inflation-weary voters by promising to lower the provincial harmonized sales tax by two percentage points to 13 per cent if re-elected.

At dissolution, the Conservatives held 25 seats in the 49-seat legislature. The Liberals held 16 seats, the Greens had three and there was one Independent and four vacancies.

J.P. Lewis, a political science professor at the University of New Brunswick, said the top three issues facing New Brunswickers are affordability, health care and education.

“Across many jurisdictions, affordability is the top concern — cost of living, housing prices, things like that,” he said.

Richard Saillant, an economist and former vice-president of Université de Moncton, said the Tories’ pledge to lower the HST represents a costly promise.

“I don’t think there’s that much room for that,” he said. “I’m not entirely clear that they can do so without producing a greater deficit.” Saillant also pointed to mounting pressures to invest more in health care, education and housing, all of which are facing increasing demands from a growing population.

Higgs’s main rivals are Liberal Leader Susan Holt and Green Party Leader David Coon. Both are focusing on economic and social issues.

Holt has promised to impose a rent cap and roll out a subsidized school food program. The Liberals also want to open at least 30 community health clinics over the next four years.

Coon has said a Green government would create an “electricity support program,” which would give families earning less than $70,000 annually about $25 per month to offset “unprecedented” rate increases.

Higgs first came to power in 2018, when the Tories formed the province’s first minority government in 100 years. In 2020, he called a snap election — the first province to go to the polls after the start of the COVID-19 pandemic — and won a majority.

Since then, several well-known cabinet ministers and caucus members have stepped down after clashing with Higgs, some of them citing what they described as an authoritarian leadership style and a focus on policies that represent a hard shift to the right side of the political spectrum.

Lewis said the Progressive Conservatives are in the “midst of reinvention.”

“It appears he’s shaping the party now, really in the mould of his world views,” Lewis said. “Even though (Progressive Conservatives) have been down in the polls, I still think that they’re very competitive.”

Meanwhile, the legislature remained divided along linguistic lines. The Tories dominate in English-speaking ridings in central and southern parts of the province, while the Liberals held most French-speaking ridings in the north.

The drama within the party began in October 2022 when the province’s outspoken education minister, Dominic Cardy, resigned from cabinet, saying he could no longer tolerate the premier’s leadership style. In his resignation letter, Cardy cited controversial plans to reform French-language education. The government eventually stepped back those plans.

A series of resignations followed last year when the Higgs government announced changes to Policy 713, which now requires students under 16 who are exploring their gender identity to get their parents’ consent before teachers can use their preferred first names or pronouns — a reversal of the previous practice.

When several Tory lawmakers voted with the opposition to call for an external review of the change, Higgs dropped dissenters from his cabinet. And a bid by some party members to trigger a leadership review went nowhere.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

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New Brunswick Premier Blaine Higgs expected to call provincial election today

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FREDERICTON – A 33-day provincial election campaign is expected to officially get started today in New Brunswick.

Progressive Conservative Premier Blaine Higgs has said he plans to visit Lt.-Gov. Brenda Murphy this morning to have the legislature dissolved.

Higgs, a 70-year-old former oil executive, is seeking a third term in office, having led the province since 2018.

The campaign ahead of the Oct. 21 vote is expected to focus on pocketbook issues, but the government’s provocative approach to gender identity issues could also be in the spotlight.

The Tory premier has already announced he will try to win over inflation-weary voters by promising to lower the harmonized sales tax by two percentage points to 13 per cent if re-elected.

Higgs’s main rivals are Liberal Leader Susan Holt and Green Party Leader David Coon, both of whom are focusing on economic and social issues.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

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NDP flips, BC United flops, B.C. Conservatives surge as election campaign approaches

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VICTORIA – If the lead up to British Columbia‘s provincial election campaign is any indication of what’s to come, voters should expect the unexpected.

It could be a wild ride to voting day on Oct. 19.

The Conservative Party of B.C. that didn’t elect a single member in the last election and gained less than two per cent of the popular vote is now leading the charge for centre-right, anti-NDP voters.

The official Opposition BC United, who as the former B.C. Liberals won four consecutive majorities from 2001 to 2013, raised a white flag and suspended its campaign last month, asking its members, incumbents and voters to support the B.C. Conservatives to prevent a vote split on the political right.

New Democrat Leader David Eby delivered a few political surprises of his own in the days leading up to Saturday’s official campaign start, signalling major shifts on the carbon tax and the issue of involuntary care in an attempt to curb the deadly opioid overdose crisis.

He said the NDP would drop the province’s long-standing carbon tax for consumers if the federal government eliminates its requirement to keep the levy in place, and pledged to introduce involuntary care of people battling mental health and addiction issues.

The B.C. Coroners Service reports more than 15,000 overdose deaths since the province declared an opioid overdose public health emergency in 2016.

Drug policy in B.C., especially decriminalization of possession of small amounts of hard drugs and drug use in public areas, could become key election issues this fall.

Eby, a former executive director of the B.C. Civil Liberties Association, said Wednesday that criticism of the NDP’s involuntary care plan by the Canadian Civil Liberties Association is “misinformed” and “misleading.”

“This isn’t about forcing people into a particular treatment,” he said at an unrelated news conference. “This is about making sure that their safety, as well as the safety of the broader community, is looked after.”

Eby said “simplistic arguments,” where one side says lock people up and the other says don’t lock anybody up don’t make sense.

“There are some people who should be in jail, who belong in jail to ensure community safety,” said Eby. “There are some people who need to be in intensive, secure mental health treatment facilities because that’s what they need in order to be safe, in order not to be exploited, in order not to be dead.”

The CCLA said in a statement Eby’s plan is not acceptable.

“There is no doubt that substance use is an alarming and pressing epidemic,” said Anais Bussières McNicoll, the association’s fundamental freedoms program director. “This scourge is causing significant suffering, particularly, among vulnerable and marginalized groups. That being said, detaining people without even assessing their capacity to make treatment decisions, and forcing them to undergo treatment against their will, is unconstitutional.”

While Eby, a noted human rights lawyer, could face political pressure from civil rights opponents to his involuntary care plans, his opponents on the right also face difficulties.

The BC United Party suspended its campaign last month in a pre-election move to prevent a vote split on the right, but that support may splinter as former jilted United members run as Independents.

Five incumbent BC United MLAs, Mike Bernier, Dan Davies, Tom Shypitka, Karin Kirkpatrick and Coralee Oakes are running as Independents and could become power brokers in the event of a minority government situation, while former BC United incumbents Ian Paton, Peter Milobar and Trevor Halford are running under the B.C. Conservative banner.

Davies, who represents the Fort St. John area riding of Peace River North, said he’s always been a Conservative-leaning politician but he has deep community roots and was urged by his supporters to run as an Independent after the Conservatives nominated their own candidate.

Davies said he may be open to talking with B.C. Conservative Leader John Rustad after the election, if he wins or loses.

Green Leader Sonia Furstenau has suggested her party is an option for alienated BC United voters.

Rustad — who faced criticism from BC United Leader Kevin Falcon and Eby about the far-right and extremist views of some of his current and former candidates and advisers — said the party’s rise over the past months has been meteoric.

“It’s been almost 100 years since the Conservative Party in B.C. has won a government,” he said. “The last time was 1927. I look at this now and I think I have never seen this happen anywhere in the country before. This has been happening in just over a year. It just speaks volumes that people are just that eager and interested in change.”

Rustad, ejected from the former B.C. Liberals in August 2022 for publicly supporting a climate change skeptic, sat briefly as an Independent before being acclaimed the B.C. Conservative leader in March 2023.

Rustad, who said if elected he will fire B.C.’s provincial health officer Dr. Bonnie Henry over her vaccine mandates during the COVID-19 pandemic, has removed the nominations of some of his candidates who were vaccine opponents.

“I am not interested in going after votes and trying to do things that I think might be popular,” he said.

Prof. David Black, a political communications specialist at Greater Victoria’s Royal Roads University, said the rise of Rustad’s Conservatives and the collapse of BC United is the political story of the year in B.C.

But it’s still too early to gauge the strength of the Conservative wave, he said.

“Many questions remain,” said Black. “Has the free enterprise coalition shifted sufficiently far enough to the right to find the social conservatism and culture-war populism of some parts of the B.C. Conservative platform agreeable? Is a party that had no infrastructure and minimal presence in what are now 93 ridings this election able to scale up and run a professional campaign across the province?”

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

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