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Breakenridge: Fed’s economic statement nudges CPP toward more investments in Canada

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One of the strongest arguments in favour of the CPP is just how much success has been borne of its strategy of pursuing the highest return

In the infamous interrogation scene between Joker and Batman in the film The Dark Knight, there’s a memorable line as the villain reacts incredulously to an accusation that he wishes death upon the hero. “I don’t want to kill you,” he declares. “What would I do without you?”

Not to imply that there are necessarily heroes and villains in Canadian politics, but there are certainly examples of symbiotic relationships between arch-rivals (even if the participants are far less candid about it). Case in point: Justin Trudeau and Danielle Smith.

For as much as Smith and the UCP would welcome the Liberals’ demise, they know deep down in their hearts that they’d also be losing a political asset. Conservative Alberta premiers have long benefitted from having a Liberal foil in Ottawa and that’s especially true when that Liberal prime minister is as deeply unpopular as this one.

We saw earlier this year how the awkward rollout of the “Just Transition” proved to be a political gift to the UCP just as they were heading into an election campaign. And now as the UCP’s push for leaving the Canada Pension Plan (CPP) seems to be faltering, it’s Trudeau to the rescue once again.

Unlike the campaigns against various other federal policies, it’s proven much more difficult to link the CPP to Trudeau. Albertans may not trust Trudeau, but they understand that he’s not the one making investment decisions for the CPP. Or, he shouldn’t be.

Enter last week’s Fall Economic Statement. Lost amid the coverage of the considerable federal deficit and the various spending announcements was a curious statement of intent with regard to the CPP.

Despite previous assurances from Ottawa that the CPP is and always will be free from political interference, the government seems to have decided that, well, maybe a little interference isn’t so bad after all.

The economic statement proposes to pull the CPP away from its current mandate of prioritizing the best return on its investments. Instead, the government now hopes to nudge the CPP toward making more investments in Canada.

If there are excellent investment opportunities to be had in Canada, then the CPP Investment Board would hardly need direction from the federal government. If the government is simply intending to increase Canada’s investment attractiveness, then there’s no reason to link that specifically to pension funds.

It’s much more likely that this federal involvement would have a heavy political bent to it, with these “investment opportunities” conveniently lining up with pet projects, favoured industries, and strategically valuable regions.

This should be of concern to all Canadians, not just Albertans. One of the strongest arguments in favour of the CPP is just how much success has been borne of its strategy of pursuing the highest return.

But if that’s no longer going to be the strategy, then Albertans might start to think differently about this whole issue. There’s an understandable attachment to the idea of an independent CPP with a sterling investment track record. Conversely, there’s bound to be a considerable amount of unease with the idea of CPP assets becoming some sort of political slush fund.

It’s very much on brand that this prime minister would give a boost to the forces in Alberta that wish to leave the CPP while at the same time making it known that he does not wish to see Alberta leave.

Mind you, the premier herself has mused about her government having a say in the investments of an Alberta Pension Plan, so the inevitable attacks on the new federal policy might be coated in some hypocrisy.

The prime minister surely knows the stakes of Alberta exiting the CPP. Why they would choose now to consider meddling with the CPP is truly baffling. It’s extremely unlikely that this was meant as a lifeline to the UCP’s floundering efforts, but that will almost surely be the end result.

“Afternoons with Rob Breakenridge” airs weekdays 12:30-3 p.m. on QR Calgary

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StatCan latest wealth survey shows stark disparity between homeowners, renters

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TORONTO – Statistics Canada‘s latest financial security survey shows a stark disparity between the wealth of homeowners and renters, even as it fails to capture the true scale what’s owned by Canada’s richest families.

The survey, conducted only every few years, shows home-owning families whose main earner was 55 to 64, and who had an employer-sponsored pension, had a median net worth of $1.4 million in 2023. Renters without a pension plan in the age group had a median net worth of $11,900.

Home ownership was the main factor in the difference, as those who owned their home but didn’t have a pension had a median net worth of $914,000, while those with a pension but did not own had a median net worth of $359,000.

The data released Tuesday also shows Canadians of all income brackets are trying to get into real estate, said Dan Skilleter, director of policy at economic inclusion non-profit Social Capital Partners.

“The most striking numbers they have in here are about just the growth of real estate as an asset class,” he said.

“So it’s clear everyone’s been getting signals about how important that is, and I think that is dysfunctional, and has been leading to an unsustainable situation where real estate has become an essential stepping-stone to really have any financial security in Canada.”

The picture in the report was similar for families whose main earner was under 35, as the median net worth of those who own their principal residence was $457,100, compared with $44,000 for those who don’t.

The gap for young families is even larger than at first glance though, as Statistics Canada notes that of that $44,000 net worth, an increasing amount is due to renters owning real estate that is not their principal residence.

It noted that of renters without pensions, 15 per cent had a net worth above $150,000 in 2023, compared with five per cent in 2019, as more buy into real estate.

Overall, the survey found the median net worth of Canadian households was $519,700, up 57 per cent from 2019 when it was last conducted.

The median wealth of households under 35 was $159,100, up from $56,400 in 2019, while the 55 to 64 category was the richest at $873,400, up from $797,000 four years earlier.

The survey involved a 45-minute questionnaire sent to a sampling of almost 40,000 homes to provide a detailed view of what families own and what debts they have.

“It’s really the only survey we have where the government gets to peer into the full financial story of families,” Skilleter said.

The survey, however, has a significant blind spot for Canada’s wealthiest. Statistics Canada divides the survey in tiers to make sure various household categories are represented, but the highest tier is the wealthiest five per cent in Canada, meaning anyone above about $2.4 million for the 2019 survey.

The broad top category means the top one per cent, and 0.1 per cent, are hardly captured, Skilleter said.

“What’s not part of the survey is to take a broader look at the Canadian economy and see: is wealth concentration in general getting worse or getting better,” he said.

“And much to my dismay, they can’t even take a stab at answering that question, because they don’t set up their survey to even have a good chance of getting a single billionaire or 100 millionaire to take the survey.”

The richest family in the 2012 version of the survey had a net worth of $23.7 million, and $27.3 million in the 2016 report, while Credit Suisse estimates there are more than 5,500 Canadians with a net worth of more than $50 million, including 120 with a net worth of more than $500 million, Skilleter noted in an April report.

Statistics Canada said the share of wealth held by the top one per cent will be understated in this data source. Skilleter notes that the U.S. specifically carves out a tier for billionaires to make sure they’re represented in the results of its wealth survey, which helps to show the economic inequality in that country.

Canada has looked more equal based on the data from the survey, but it can be misleading.

Data from the 2019 survey was used to estimate Canada’s top one per cent held about 13.7 per cent of wealth, and the 0.1 per cent held 2.8 per cent. But combining the survey with outside data like the Forbes rich list, the Parliamentary Budget Officer estimated that the top one per cent held 24.8 per cent, and the top 0.1 per cent held 11.2 per cent of overall wealth.

“We’re not even being made aware of the ways in which ownership of capital is dramatically increasing the fortunes of some,” Skilleter said.

“That would give rise to a more frank conversation about the different ways that public policy…could intervene and make people’s lives better.”

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Oct. 29, 2024.

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Statistics Canada reports August retail sales up 0.4% at $66.6 billion

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OTTAWA – Statistics Canada says retail sales rose 0.4 per cent to $66.6 billion in August, helped by higher new car sales.

The agency says sales were up in four of nine subsectors as sales at motor vehicle and parts dealers rose 3.5 per cent, boosted by a 4.3 per cent increase at new car dealers and a 2.1 per cent gain at used car dealers.

Core retail sales — which exclude gasoline stations and fuel vendors and motor vehicle and parts dealers — fell 0.4 per cent in August.

Sales at food and beverage retailers dropped 1.5 per cent, while furniture, home furnishings, electronics and appliances retailers fell 1.4 per cent.

In volume terms, retail sales increased 0.7 per cent in August.

Looking ahead, Statistics Canada says its advance estimate of retail sales for September points to a gain of 0.4 per cent for the month, though it cautioned the figure would be revised.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Oct. 25, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Minimum wage to hire higher-paid temporary foreign workers set to increase

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OTTAWA – The federal government is expected to boost the minimum hourly wage that must be paid to temporary foreign workers in the high-wage stream as a way to encourage employers to hire more Canadian staff.

Under the current program’s high-wage labour market impact assessment (LMIA) stream, an employer must pay at least the median income in their province to qualify for a permit. A government official, who The Canadian Press is not naming because they are not authorized to speak publicly about the change, said Employment Minister Randy Boissonnault will announce Tuesday that the threshold will increase to 20 per cent above the provincial median hourly wage.

The change is scheduled to come into force on Nov. 8.

As with previous changes to the Temporary Foreign Worker program, the government’s goal is to encourage employers to hire more Canadian workers. The Liberal government has faced criticism for increasing the number of temporary residents allowed into Canada, which many have linked to housing shortages and a higher cost of living.

The program has also come under fire for allegations of mistreatment of workers.

A LMIA is required for an employer to hire a temporary foreign worker, and is used to demonstrate there aren’t enough Canadian workers to fill the positions they are filling.

In Ontario, the median hourly wage is $28.39 for the high-wage bracket, so once the change takes effect an employer will need to pay at least $34.07 per hour.

The government official estimates this change will affect up to 34,000 workers under the LMIA high-wage stream. Existing work permits will not be affected, but the official said the planned change will affect their renewals.

According to public data from Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada, 183,820 temporary foreign worker permits became effective in 2023. That was up from 98,025 in 2019 — an 88 per cent increase.

The upcoming change is the latest in a series of moves to tighten eligibility rules in order to limit temporary residents, including international students and foreign workers. Those changes include imposing caps on the percentage of low-wage foreign workers in some sectors and ending permits in metropolitan areas with high unemployment rates.

Temporary foreign workers in the agriculture sector are not affected by past rule changes.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Oct. 21, 2024.

— With files from Nojoud Al Mallees

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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