Canada needs fewer “lifers” and “career politicians” in politics, according to Conservative MP Erin O’Toole.
And he is making the case that he isn’t one of them.
O’Toole spoke with The West Block guest host Eric Sorensen amid speculation over recent weeks that he is considering making a run for the Conservative leadership.
He wouldn’t say whether he’s made a decision, but acknowledged that he has been having talks since Andrew Scheer announced he’s stepping down.
“I’m talking to a lot of people who called me after Andrew’s news and we’re seeing how we can grow to win,” O’Toole said.
“I’m not a career politician … I think Canada needs more doers in politics and less lifers, and that’s going to be part of the discussion.”
O’Toole, 46, was first elected to the House of Commons in 2012 and finished third in the last Conservative leadership race behind Scheer and Maxime Bernier, who quit the Conservatives to form an upstart populist party that failed to win any seats in the last election.
Before entering politics, O’Toole spent roughly 15 years as a navigator with the Royal Canadian Air Force before leaving in 2000 to get a law degree and pursue corporate law, which he did until 2011.
His aim at “career politicians” comes as speculation about who will run to replace Scheer heats up.
Plenty of names have been the focus of rumours: among them, familiar faces like Rona Ambrose, Pierre Poilievre, Michelle Rempel Garner, Peter MacKay and O’Toole, along with relative newcomers like Marilyn Gladu, who confirmed her candidacy last week.
Conservative Leader Andrew Scheer announced last month he will step down from the position once the party chooses a replacement.
That came after he lost the campaign for the Oct. 21 election and as anger erupted within the party over the revelation he had been using donor funds towards paying the cost of having his kids in private school.
He had also faced questions about his background — in particular, whether his claims to understand the financial difficulties of the average Canadian were accurate, given his six-figure salary earnings as a member of Parliament since the age of 25 and having received taxpayer-funded housing since 2011.
His opposition to gay marriage and reproductive rights were cited by critics, Conservative strategists and campaign staff as a factor in why his party failed to make the necessary inroads in the Greater Toronto Area and Quebec to form government.
Both areas are seat-rich and play a critical role in determining which party takes power.
O’Toole addressed those challenges with Global News, stressing that the party needs to be able to win in those key regions.
“We have to win in the Greater Toronto Area,” he said. “We have to grow in the suburbs of the Lower Mainland of B.C. Atlantic Canada, Quebec — there’s huge opportunities for us to win and so let’s use this as a way to grow the party.”
So how does he want to party to do that?
Not just by talking about the economy, he said.
“We also have to talk about other issues they’re concerned about. Lowering greenhouse gases: how do we leverage Canadian technology to do that? I’ve been talking about that for many years,” he said, while also pointing to resource development as a way to support Indigenous employment.
“Conservatives need to find conservative solutions to the problems facing our country.”
Kanye for president: the dangerous allure of the celebrity politician – The Conversation UK
Rapper and sometime Trump supporter Kanye West has announced that he will be running for president of the United States. Without the tens of thousands of signatures needed to get on the ballot in all states or the backing of a small party, West’s chances of winning are almost zero.
Although West won’t be entering the White House any time soon, plenty of other celebrities have made a successful career in politics. A mix of charisma, media-savvy and anti-establishment airs can help them appeal to voters. We should be alert to what makes these people popular with voters because it rarely plays out well when they actually find themselves in office
In addition to Trump, the US has seen a swathe of celebrities turned politicians. The singer Sonny Bono, of Sonny and Cher fame, became the mayor of Palm Springs, California in 1988 and then was elected to Congress in 1994. Professional wrestler Jesse “the Body” Ventura was elected governor of Minnesota in 1999 and held the position until 2003. Then there was California governor and later US president Ronald Reagan, who rose to fame as a Hollywood actor.
This phenomenon is not limited to the US. The prime minister of Pakistan, Imran Khan, was a cricketer. The president of Guatemala, Jimmy Morales, was a comedian. The president of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelensky, was an actor who played the president in the Ukrainian television show Servant of the People. All over the world, celebrities have become involved in politics, with some occupying the highest offices.
The celebrity advantage
Celebrity and politics may seem to be a natural fit. Celebrities are often charismatic and well versed in engaging with the media. They already have more experience in working on camera and cultivating an image. Today, they also may have more understanding of how to use social media.
Unlike outsiders that come out of nowhere, celebrities also benefit from name recognition and their campaigns are more likely to garner media attention. For example, the media’s fascination with Trump’s antics earned him nearly $5 billion (£4 billion) worth of free airtime during the 2016 campaign.
The rise of celebrity politicians has, in part, to do with changes in politics from traditional political skills to media management and fundraising. While the qualities of a celebrity are often poorly suited to the duties of governing, they can attract the necessary attention from the media without any prior political accomplishment.
Additionally, increasingly blurred lines between entertainment and news (or infotainment) have lowered barriers for celebrities to enter politics. With the news focused on entertaining viewers more than informing them, profiling a celebrity candidate is a perfect story to run with.
But it is not just the role of the media and changes in politics that are important here. Voters are also drawn to celebrities because they are anti-establishment.
A break from traditional politics
Though celebrities are not necessarily populist, there are aspects of their appeal that are similar. Celebrities are well known, charismatic. Many who end up running for office lack a deep knowledge of politics and governing and have no experience governing.
They may be able to use a simplistic communication style and direct language that appeals to the common man and gives the impression that they are relatable. They also tend to not have the same academic backgrounds – for instance, degrees or associations with prestigious institutions – that many politicians have.
Like populists, some celebrities promote their lack of knowledge and expertise. For example, the former wrestler Jesse Ventura attacked people with college degrees and bragged about being the only candidate for Governor of Minnesota that did not have a law degree.
Counterintuitively, this anti-intellectualism is something that appeals to some voters who do not want to support a candidate that appears to be smarter than they are. These characteristics are seen as an advantage, representing a break from traditional politics.
Once in power, celebrities do not have a strong record of governing. Those that manage to be successful in political roles are the exception, not the rule. Their lack of experience and knowledge of laws and governing often make their political turns disastrous. At best, they continue with the status quo of dysfunctional politics.
One-time actor and former President of the Philippines, Joseph Estrada was impeached for corruption. The President of Guatemala, Jimmy Morales, has been accused of sexual abuse, though charges were later dropped, and blocking an investigation by the International Commission Against Impunity (CICIG) in Guatemala into his party and his relatives. The presidency of former singer Michel Martelly (known as “Sweet Micky”) of Haiti was dogged by delayed elections, accusations of corruption, political violence and rising poverty.
Most importantly the rise of celebrity politicians is not a sign of the democratic field becoming more interesting or open. The rise of such candidates is a sign of
political decline of democracies and wider frustration with professional politicians who voters feel disillusioned and distant from.
Trump may have won the political battle. But he lost the constitutional one. – The Washington Post
But as a matter of constitutional law, the court’s rulings represent significant and justified constraints on the authority not only of this president, but also his successors.
First, the court made clear that no president is above the law when it comes to criminal subpoenas for private information: State prosecutors are entitled to such subpoenas and don’t have to prove greater need when they seek a president’s records than they do for anyone else. Second, the court held that Congress has the authority to subpoena a president’s records, even as it put limits on lawmakers’ ability to do so.
It’s the second ruling that has greatest significance for future occupants of the Oval Office. Remarkably, this was the first time the high court considered whether Congress can compel presidents to produce records. As Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. explained, such demands typically are resolved in bruising battles between the branches.
“Congress and the president maintained this tradition of negotiation and compromise — without the involvement of this court — until the present dispute. Indeed, from President Washington until now, we have never considered a dispute over a congressional subpoena for the president’s records.”
This push and pull ended in the Trump presidency. The White House has simply refused to comply with congressional oversight requests or subpoenas, even in the case of impeachment. White House lawyers claim executive privilege allows not just the president but all White House aides, officials scattered throughout the executive branch and even private citizens to refuse to appear.
Until now, judges held back. During Watergate, a federal court refused to force President Richard Nixon to turn over his Oval Office tapes to the Senate. In another major case, a court ordered George W. Bush’s White House counsel, Harriet Miers, to testify about the politically motivated firing of seven U.S. attorneys, but also ruled she could refuse to answer specific questions. Trump stonewalled so vigorously that the high court felt it had to get involved — a legal backfire of potentially historic dimensions.
Under the new ruling, the House of Representatives will have to show the appeals court that this request for documents meets four newly established tests to ensure that the request is narrow and legitimate. Good lawyering should make that goal easy to meet.
The ruling does leave one cloud. Previous court rulings had held that Congress lacks the power to probe just to embarrass individuals; it needs a legitimate legislative purpose.
Investigations of wrongdoing — real or alleged — have been essential throughout U.S. history. Hundreds of officials over the decades have squirmed under TV lights and been forced to produce documents, sometimes revealing crimes and squalid misconduct. This has resulted in landmark statutes, from campaign finance reform to government ethics measures. Still, some inquests — think Teapot Dome, Watergate, or Iran contra — have been more noteworthy because they exposed wrongdoing to the public rather than any laws they produced.
Will this ruling serve as a charter for strong oversight? Or will it mischievously limit it, so that future White Houses can duck accountability? That will be up to future courts, who have now put themselves in the center of these disputes.
There are other ways to strengthen checks and balances. For starters, Congress will need to find ways to use the power of the purse to compel cooperation. Lawmakers also have the power to hold witnesses in contempt and even to seek prison time if they refuse to testify. The notion of a jail cell in the basement of the Capitol appears, alas, to be an urban myth. Perhaps one should be created.
There may also be a need for a clear statute to govern executive branch testimony. More than a decade ago, the Brennan Center proposed a new law to authorize executive privilege but limit its use and give Congress the power to compel testimony. It’s time to take such proposals more seriously.
Ultimately, much of the answer will come in the conduct of president and Congress. Investigators will need to curb their appetites for frivolous and harassing investigations. Presidents will have to decide whether to fight for every inch of advantage, or acknowledge Congress’ role, no matter how infuriating that may seem.
For now, Congress has new weight behind its constitutional authority. When they negotiate, lawmakers now know that, sooner or later the Supreme Court has said it would be willing to step in. That alone can help reset the balance between the two branches at opposite ends of Pennsylvania Avenue.
Government watchdog: Politics caused ‘Sharpiegate’ frantic rebuke – USA TODAY
Political pressure from the White House and a series of “crazy in the middle of the night” texts, emails and phone calls caused top federal weather officials to wrongly admonish a weather office for a tweet that contradicted President Donald Trump about Hurricane Dorian in 2019, an inspector general report found.
Commerce Department Inspector General Peggy Gustafson concluded in a report issued Thursday that the statement chastising the National Weather Service office in Birmingham, Alabama, could undercut public trust in weather warnings from the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration and for a short time even hindered public safety. Agency officials downplayed and disputed the findings.
“Instead of focusing on NOAA’s successful hurricane forecast, the Department unnecessarily rebuked NWS forecasters for issuing a public safety message about Hurricane Dorian in response to public inquiries–that is, for doing their jobs,” the report concluded.
Former Obama NOAA chief Jane Lubchenco, a scientist at Oregon State University, said in an email that high level officials “put politics and their own jobs above public safety. In my view, this is shameful, irresponsible, and unethical.”
Hurricane Dorian: Emails show weather service’s angst, anger over Trump’s ‘doctored’ hurricane map
At issue was a Sept. 1 tweet from the Birmingham weather office that “Alabama will NOT see any impacts from #Dorian.”
The tweet came out 10 minutes after Trump had tweeted that Alabama was among states that “will most likely be hit (much) harder than anticipated.” Forecasters in Alabama said they didn’t know about the president’s tweet, which was based on outdated information, and that they were instead responding to calls from a worried public.
By the time the two tweets were posted, Alabama was no longer in the hurricane center’s warning cone, although it had been in previous days. One hurricane center graphic at the time showed a “non-zero” chance of tropical storm force winds for a tiny corner of Alabama, something NOAA officials later scurried to highlight, according to the report.
However, NOAA acting chief Neil Jacobs told the inspector general’s office that the day of the president’s tweet he was baffled by Trump’s reference to Alabama: “(T)hat was the first time when I was wondering why are we still talking about Alabama, you know?”
The dustup came to be referred to as “Sharpiegate” after the president later displayed a National Hurricane Center warning map that had been altered with a black marker to include Alabama in the potential path of the storm. The president is known for his use of Sharpies.
Four days after the tweets, then acting White House Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney sent Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross an email after 9 p.m., saying “it appears as if the NWS intentionally contradicted the president. And we need to know why. He wants either a correction or an explanation or both.”
That triggered a series of texts, emails and phone calls involving Ross underlings, especially Department of Commerce Chief of Staff Michael J. Walsh Jr. from 1 a.m. to 3:43 a.m., laying the groundwork for a NOAA statement that came out the next day.
Jacobs said “things went crazy in the middle of the night.”
Then-NOAA communications chief Julie Kay Roberts told the inspector general’s office that Walsh told her “there are jobs on the line. It could be the forecast office in Birmingham. Or it could be someone higher than that. And the higher is less palatable.”
Walsh denied that to the inspector general. The report said there was no credible evidence found to say that jobs were threatened. However, Jacobs told the inspector general’s office he “definitely felt like our jobs were on the line” but that “nobody told me I was going to get fired.”
The eventual unsigned statement from NOAA said: “The Birmingham National Weather Service’s Sunday morning tweet spoke in absolute terms that were inconsistent with probabilities from the best forecast products available at the time.”
Dorian made landfall in North Carolina and had no major impact on Alabama, which is about 600 miles away.
“By requiring NOAA to issue an unattributed statement related to a then-5-day-old tweet, while an active hurricane continued to exist off the east coast of the United States, the Department displayed poor judgment in exercising its authority over NOAA,” the inspector general report said
The report also criticized Roberts for deleting text messages, which is contrary to government document retention rules.
In a statement attached to the report, Walsh said the report’s conclusions “are completely unsupported by any of the evidence or factual findings that the report lays out. The Inspector General instead selectively quotes from interviews, takes facts out of context.”
The White House declined comment. The Department of Commerce attached a letter to the report saying the report doesn’t dispute the accuracy of the Sept. 6 statement that criticized the Birmingham office nor does it find that the agency suppressed scientific communication.
Sen. Maria Cantwell of Washington, the ranking Democrat on the Senate Commerce Committee, said she could not support Jacobs’ nomination to be the full-time, no longer acting, chief of NOAA, saying the report shows Jacobs “failed to protect scientists from political influence.”
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