Every chance he gets, Donald Trump Jr. disappears from the campaign trail into the great outdoors.
“If I’m in Colorado doing an event, I’ll sneak off for half a day and go fly fishing,” he said in an interview. “Today, I had a pretty crazy day of conference calls, but I’m literally in the car, banging all of those out. I’m gonna go do a quail hunt in upstate Florida before I have to drive back down to Palm Beach to have a business dinner at Mar-a-Lago. … That’s my decompression from the five-speaking-events-a-day general lifestyle that will be my next, let’s call it year.”
It’s not just his decompression anymore, though: In 2021, Trump Jr., 46, launched a hunting- and outdoors-focused lifestyle media brand with a few friends called Field Ethos. The quarterly print magazine and website — which was well reviewed by, of all places, the
left-leaning Slate— and website are full of striking landscape photos accompanied by pieces about Cape buffalo hunts in Botswana or spearfishing in the Caribbean, plus gear reviews. There’s a shop selling flannels and travel mugs, and a travel agency business, Outrider, which helps customers arrange their own trips and offers organized outings (e.g. a “Cowboy Camp” in California with “unlimited wild hogs” for $3,600 per person). The overall aesthetic of the brand is like a rugged, gun-loving version
of Kinfolk, the Portland-based cottagecore hipster quarterly.
It might seem like an odd endeavor for Trump Jr. Since before Donald Trump became president in 2016, his eldest son and the most politically engaged Trump child has been his father’s chief culture warrior. Starting in the early days of the 2016 election, Trump Jr. carved out his own role in
lobbing insults on social media and mocking media outlets. While his sister Ivanka positioned herself as a White House insider capable of appealing to the establishment, Trump Jr. stayed on the outside, a soldier in the MAGA meme wars posting images of his dad as Pepe the frog and attacking insufficiently loyal Republicans.
Today, he is still throwing bombs online as well as hosting his podcast “Triggered” on Rumble, a platform that has positioned itself as a free speech-friendly competitor to Big Tech companies. In 2021, he founded Winning Team Publishing, which has published books by MAGA luminaries such as Charlie Kirk, Judge Jeanine Pirro and Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.). He has also invested in Public Square, an online shopping platform that seeks to be an alternative to retailers such Amazon, one of the “woke” conglomerates he has said he wants to compete with. And he is still serving as a surrogate on TV and social media for his father’s third presidential campaign.
For Trump Jr., Field Ethos is mostly a passion project, and he said he thinks of it as totally separate from his political work. “It’s probably one of the least political things I do,” he told me when I asked how Field Ethos fits in with his other right-leaning business ventures. In his publisher’s note from the second issue of the magazine in 2022, Trump Jr. struck a wistful tone at the prospect of the politics-filled year ahead, portraying Field Ethos as a haven from the campaign fray: “The next 12 months are going to be interesting for me and my family ,and it’s great to know I can pick up one of our journals when I just need a break from it all.”
But a deeper dive into the project shows that the campaign trail runs right through those journals.
It’s not hard to find signs of the publisher’s anti-“woke” sensibilities and his “unapologetic” — a word that comes up frequently in conversation with his co-founders — delight in tossing partisan bombs. The Field Ethos online shop is full of meme-y merch (for $20, you can purchase three rubber bracelets that ask: “What Would
Roof Koreans Do?”, a reference to the Korean business owners who shot at looters during the 1992 Los Angeles riots), the podcasts regularly feature MAGA politicians such as South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem and, especially recently, Trump Jr.’s publisher’s notes have included culture war-inflected diatribes against Joe Biden, drag queen story hours and “taxpayer-funded mass migration” on the southern border.
As much as Trump Jr. presents Field Ethos as a break from his political work, it’s part of a bigger project that’s been ongoing on the American right of building a conservative parallel economy and bringing the culture wars of politics to consumer habits. Rather than building and protecting an apolitical space with Field Ethos, if you look a bit closer, it’s clear that Trump Jr.’s magazine is an extension of his father’s political strategy to business and almost everything else.
Trump Jr. was introduced to the outdoor life by his maternal grandfather, Milos Zelnicek, an electrician who took the young New York-born Trump on camping trips in then-communist Czechoslovakia. Trump’s passion grew when he was at boarding school in Pennsylvania, where some friends taught him how to use a shotgun and took him deer and pheasant hunting.
“I literally just fell in love with it; I read every book there was on the subject,” Trump Jr. said, including Ernest Hemingway and the author and big game hunter Robert Ruark. (Hemingway’s great-grandson, Patrick Hemingway Adams, now contributes to Field Ethos.) “All of those things, I think, are getting lost in today’s instant gratification society. You know, kids sit there on a video game. Everything’s … instant gratification.”
Field Ethos co-founder and CEO Jason Vincent had a similar story — an outdoors-loving grandpa who introduced him to the lifestyle, and in his case, also introduced him to the kind of publications, like National Geographic, that would later inspire and serve as a foil for Field Ethos. Vincent went on to work as a game warden and then as an editor at Sporting Classics, a marquee brand in the hunting and outdoors media. Vincent called it a “classic outdoorsman’s magazine,” one that “had an older demographic, and I didn’t feel like anybody was really speaking to my demographic.” The idea for Field Ethos emerged in casual conversations with Trump Jr. The two had met via hunting circles and become friends.
The target demographic for Field Ethos, per Vincent, is men between the ages of 25 and 55, though he, Trump Jr. and Chief Operating Officer Mike Schoby all emphasized in interviews that a quarter or more of their audience is female. “That may really just come from the fact that there’s still kind of a draw to that unapologetic male mindset,” Vincent said. “That may be why we’ve built the female following that we have … it doesn’t feel like it’s being watered down to try to get traction with them.”
The specificity of Field Ethos’ branding is what gives it a coherent aesthetic and point of view. In an era of endless content that can all seem to blend together, a media brand can differentiate itself by intentionally limiting its scope to aficionados and those wishing to be like them. In this case, those aficionados, judging by the trips and products highlighted, are affluent globetrotters — a younger, richer segment of the outdoor market, one that can afford pricey international big-game hunts and fishing expeditions.
“But there’s plenty of other magazines that fill those niches and go, ‘Hey, you want to buy a deer rifle for under $500 … here’s a great choice for that,’” Schoby continued. In contrast, Field Ethos’ print quarterly recently highlighted a Springfield Model 2020 Redline Rifle costing $2,299 as a “practical” choice that “performs like custom guns costing 3x as much.”
In general, its founders say they never try to be explicitly political, except where politics intersects with issues they have an inherent interest in, like gun rights. “Yes, Don is involved. He’s part of our group of friends and our team at Field Ethos,” Vincent said. “But … Field Ethos is really designed to be a place people can go when they’re kind of sick of that.”
Vincent also emphasized that those politics are “sensible,” middle-of-the-road, emphatically not far-right. “The extreme right is not our brand,” Vincent said. “We see ourselves as speaking to a sophisticated audience that is smart enough to not find themselves at the extreme of either side.”
The magazine’s scope also closely aligns with a pet issue of Trump Jr.’s that is directly politics-related: getting hunters to vote. This is apparently something many hunters don’t do, since the whitetail deer season in November coincides with election time.
Keith Mark, the founder of Hunter Nation, a nonprofit that also has a 501(c)(4) political arm and that Trump Jr. has done work with in the past, told me in an interview that “by and large, hunters, depending on the state you look at, vote [at] less than 50 percent, sometimes less than 40 percent. And a third of them aren’t even registered to vote.” Polls of American hunters and anglers have also shown that they are mostly, but not overwhelmingly, Republican — a
2022 poll reported this number at 39 percent, compared with 27 percent identifying as Democrats — and that they feel strongly about both gun rights and conservation.
“They have not been sort of wooed or brought out to vote,” Trump Jr. said. “Organizations like Hunter Nation do a great job with this — understanding that, if you turn out those people, it’s going to generally [benefit] conservatives, but they have been very inactive relative to what you would actually think. And they happen to also populate a lot of the key swing states.”
If these are the more “sophisticated” politics that Field Ethos would rather be associated with, though, there is also a strong strain of the exact opposite coursing through the magazine.
Poring over the stories, headlined “We Beat the ATF” (about the ATF’s ban on pistol braces, which has since been blocked by a federal judge) and “Socialism Sinks Ships,” and perusing the trolly merchandise on offer, it’s hard to avoid the conclusion that Field Ethos would have a hard time appealing to liberals or even moderates. Despite the obvious effort to appeal to a slightly more affluent, younger demographic than the average Trump voter, Trump Jr. continues to use the same red-meat language and tactics to make a play for them.
One full-page ad in a recent issue features a Thompson gun with “President Trump” engraved on one side and “Save America 45th” on the other.
A
satire piece from October featured an imaginary dual interview with Trump Jr. and Hunter Biden (“Have either of you ever slept with your brother’s wife? Don: No Hunter: Yes”). Trump Jr.’s publisher’s note from a recent print issue is a diatribe against a Biden administration move to cut funding to the
National Archery in Schools Program. “Forget the Biden Administration’s dangerous open border debacle, its relentless attack on the Second Amendment, environmental scams that restrict land use and sound wildlife management practices, and its insistence on indoctrinating kids with demented drag queen sexuality for a minute … ” Trump Jr. wrote. The note wouldn’t be out of place in any number of hard-right media outlets, warning that “anything Democrats see as a threat to their agenda of complete control over the American people must be censored, destroyed, canceled, or sabotaged by any means possible.”
It’s worth noting that on the subject of restricting land use, Trump Jr. and President Joe Biden align on at least one important policy. Both opposed Pebble Mine in Alaska, a proposed gold and copper mine that both environmentalists and many hunters and fishers believed would irreparably harm one of the largest salmon spawning grounds in the world. Trump Jr. went up against his father’s administration on the issue, which ultimately reversed its support for the project. Biden’s administration also blocked the project. But recognizing that kind of common ground is not Trump Jr.’s goal on the campaign trail, and neither, it seems, is it his goal with the magazine.
In this sense, the business strategy of Trump Jr. here looks a lot like the political strategy of his father: Divide the market, identify the loyal base and appeal directly to it.
This strategy means that Field Ethos, which has a print circulation of about 25,000 subscribers, according to Vincent (though he said the brand boasts 250,000 email subscribers and over 100,000 Instagram followers), might miss out on a large proportion of the available market share. Take a look at some of the outlet’s competitors in hunting media, like older brands Petersen’s Hunting or Field & Stream, the latter of which has a sizable circulation of 650,000. These are much more staid institutions that keep themselves at a remove from political back and forth. Or consider a publication like Garden & Gun, which covers southern culture, including hunting, and appeals to a smaller, 350,000-circulation audience of readers but a broader cross section of them, 47 percent of whom are women. Garden & Gun has a much larger average income of $332,000 compared to Field & Stream’s $53,000 and also does not cover politics.
In recent years, the space has also seen a less traditional crop of hunting media, like MeatEater, a TV show hosted by former Brooklyn resident Steven Rinella, who has become a major voice advocating for responsibility and conservation in hunting. MeatEater’s emphasis on hunting as a source of food rather than just pure recreation has appealed to a variety of demographics, including farm-to-table cooks and environmentalists. Rinella
said in 2021 that his show attracted 100 million YouTube views and 5 million podcast downloads a month.
This approach is anathema to the Field Ethos crew, who defend hunting just for fun and scoff at the critics who view as irresponsible expeditions like the Trump brothers’ infamous 2012 safari that resulted in images of Trump Jr. with a dead elephant’s severed tail. While MeatEater aims to making hunting culture more environmentally- and socially-minded, Field Ethos appears to do the opposite, aiming for a smaller, more targeted readership that shares the founders’ “unapologetic” views.
“We’ve decided to be very honest … that we hunt for adventure, for heritage, for a connection with nature, downtime and the outdoors,” Schoby said. Field Ethos is defining itself against that “apologetic” “PC culture” streak in today’s hunting community, he continued.
Field Ethos, along with Rumble and Public Square, are all part of a broader Trump Jr. project of creating an alternate conservative market for almost everything. This is of a piece with manly-man, conservative-coded brands that have gained popularity in recent years such as
Black Rifle Coffee Company. These companies aren’t explicitly political. But there’s a certain disdain for “woke” pieties that underlies their appeal — much like how Trumpism itself works by converting cultural conflict into political energy. They’re a foil for the mainstream brands which have increasingly taken political positions over the last several years, often angering conservatives.
I asked Trump Jr. about his involvement with right-leaning companies like Rumble and Public Square.
“It’s not even ‘right-leaning,’ it’s more freedom economy,” Trump Jr. said. “Having your dollars go to … a small business that shares your values, as opposed to some woke conglomerate that’s donating to whatever leftist causes and literally weaponizing people’s hard-earned money against them … I’m all for that.”
These companies aren’t literally in the business of politics, but they show the extent to which the political has seeped into everyday life: the things we buy, the hobbies we take part in, the books we read.
They also show the extent to which Trump Sr.’s playbook doesn’t just succeed in politics. That same strategy can be used in business and could ensure that Trumpism continues in some form long after Trump Sr.
Even in Trump Jr.’s rhetoric when he discusses Field Ethos and his other projects, it’s easy to see the same promises his father makes on the campaign trail reformulated for consumers rather than voters.
“Creating an alternate viewpoint for the Americans who felt like they’ve been left behind who don’t want to support those things,” Trump Jr. said about Field Ethos and the other “freedom economy” companies he’s involved with, “that’s a big part of the focus.”
Even when it’s applied to jet-setters looking to book a multi-thousand dollar expedition to hunt big game in far-flung places, a defense of the “left behind” is still powerful.
NEW YORK (AP) — In a new video posted early Election Day, Beyoncé channels Pamela Anderson in the television program “Baywatch” – red one-piece swimsuit and all – and asks viewers to vote.
In the two-and-a-half-minute clip, set to most of “Bodyguard,” a four-minute cut from her 2024 country album “Cowboy Carter,” Beyoncé cosplays as Anderson’s character before concluding with a simple message, written in white text: “Happy Beylloween,” followed by “Vote.”
At a rally for Donald Trump in Pittsburgh on Monday night, the former president spoke dismissively about Beyoncé’s appearance at a Kamala Harris rally in Houston in October, drawing boos for the megastar from his supporters.
“Beyoncé would come in. Everyone’s expecting a couple of songs. There were no songs. There was no happiness,” Trump said.
She did not perform — unlike in 2016, when she performed at a presidential campaign rally for Hillary Clinton in Cleveland – but she endorsed Harris and gave a moving speech, initially joined onstage by her Destiny’s Child bandmate Kelly Rowland.
“I’m not here as a celebrity, I’m not here as a politician. I’m here as a mother,” Beyoncé said.
“A mother who cares deeply about the world my children and all of our children live in, a world where we have the freedom to control our bodies, a world where we’re not divided,” she said at the rally in Houston, her hometown.
“Imagine our daughters growing up seeing what’s possible with no ceilings, no limitations,” she continued. “We must vote, and we need you.”
Harris used the song in July during her first official public appearance as a presidential candidate at her campaign headquarters in Delaware. That same month, Beyoncé’s mother, Tina Knowles, publicly endorsed Harris for president.
Beyoncé gave permission to Harris to use the song, a campaign official who was granted anonymity to discuss private campaign operations confirmed to The Associated Press.
Outside of sports and a “Cold front coming down from Canada,” American news media only report on Canadian events that they believe are, or will be, influential to the US. Therefore, when Justin Trudeau’s announcement, having finally read the room, that Canada will be reducing the number of permanent residents admitted by more than 20 percent and temporary residents like skilled workers and college students will be cut by more than half made news south of the border, I knew the American media felt Trudeau’s about-face on immigration was newsworthy because many Americans would relate to Trudeau realizing Canada was accepting more immigrants than it could manage and are hoping their next POTUS will follow Trudeau’s playbook.
Canada, with lots of space and lacking convenient geographical ways for illegal immigrants to enter the country, though still many do, has a global reputation for being incredibly accepting of immigrants. On the surface, Montreal, Toronto, and Vancouver appear to be multicultural havens. However, as the saying goes, “Too much of a good thing is never good,” resulting in a sharp rise in anti-immigrant sentiment, which you can almost taste in the air. A growing number of Canadians, regardless of their political affiliation, are blaming recent immigrants for causing the housing affordability crises, inflation, rise in crime and unemployment/stagnant wages.
Throughout history, populations have engulfed themselves in a tribal frenzy, a psychological state where people identify strongly with their own group, often leading to a ‘us versus them’ mentality. This has led to quick shifts from complacency to panic and finger-pointing at groups outside their tribe, a phenomenon that is not unique to any particular culture or time period.
My take on why the American news media found Trudeau’s blatantly obvious attempt to save his political career, balancing appeasement between the pitchfork crowd, who want a halt to immigration until Canada gets its house in order, and immigrant voters, who traditionally vote Liberal, newsworthy; the American news media, as do I, believe immigration fatigue is why Kamala Harris is going to lose on November 5th.
Because they frequently get the outcome wrong, I don’t take polls seriously. According to polls in 2014, Tim Hudak’s Progressive Conservatives and Kathleen Wynne’s Liberals were in a dead heat in Ontario, yet Wynne won with more than twice as many seats. In the 2018 Quebec election, most polls had the Coalition Avenir Québec with a 1-to-5-point lead over the governing Liberals. The result: The Coalition Avenir Québec enjoyed a landslide victory, winning 74 of 125 seats. Then there’s how the 2016 US election polls showing Donald Trump didn’t have a chance of winning against Hillary Clinton were ridiculously way off, highlighting the importance of the election day poll and, applicable in this election as it was in 2016, not to discount ‘shy Trump supporters;’ voters who support Trump but are hesitant to express their views publicly due to social or political pressure.
My distrust in polls aside, polls indicate Harris is leading by a few points. One would think that Trump’s many over-the-top shenanigans, which would be entertaining were he not the POTUS or again seeking the Oval Office, would have him far down in the polls. Trump is toe-to-toe with Harris in the polls because his approach to the economy—middle-class Americans are nostalgic for the relatively strong economic performance during Trump’s first three years in office—and immigration, which Americans are hyper-focused on right now, appeals to many Americans. In his quest to win votes, Trump is doing what anyone seeking political office needs to do: telling the people what they want to hear, strategically using populism—populism that serves your best interests is good populism—to evoke emotional responses. Harris isn’t doing herself any favours, nor moving voters, by going the “But, but… the orange man is bad!” route, while Trump cultivates support from “weird” marginal voting groups.
To Harris’s credit, things could have fallen apart when Biden abruptly stepped aside. Instead, Harris quickly clinched the nomination and had a strong first few weeks, erasing the deficit Biden had given her. The Democratic convention was a success, as was her acceptance speech. Her performance at the September 10th debate with Donald Trump was first-rate.
Harris’ Achilles heel is she’s now making promises she could have made and implemented while VP, making immigration and the economy Harris’ liabilities, especially since she’s been sitting next to Biden, watching the US turn into the circus it has become. These liabilities, basically her only liabilities, negate her stance on abortion, democracy, healthcare, a long-winning issue for Democrats, and Trump’s character. All Harris has offered voters is “feel-good vibes” over substance. In contrast, Trump offers the tangible political tornado (read: steamroll the problems Americans are facing) many Americans seek. With Trump, there’s no doubt that change, admittedly in a messy fashion, will happen. If enough Americans believe the changes he’ll implement will benefit them and their country…
The case against Harris on immigration, at a time when there’s a huge global backlash to immigration, even as the American news media are pointing out, in famously immigrant-friendly Canada, is relatively straightforward: During the first three years of the Biden-Harris administration, illegal Southern border crossings increased significantly.
The words illegal immigration, to put it mildly, irks most Americans. On the legal immigration front, according to Forbes, most billion-dollar startups were founded by immigrants. Google, Microsoft, and Oracle, to name three, have immigrants as CEOs. Immigrants, with tech skills and an entrepreneurial thirst, have kept America leading the world. I like to think that Americans and Canadians understand the best immigration policy is to strategically let enough of these immigrants in who’ll increase GDP and tax base and not rely on social programs. In other words, Americans and Canadians, and arguably citizens of European countries, expect their governments to be more strategic about immigration.
The days of the words on a bronze plaque mounted inside the Statue of Liberty pedestal’s lower level, “Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free…” are no longer tolerated. Americans only want immigrants who’ll benefit America.
Does Trump demagogue the immigration issue with xenophobic and racist tropes, many of which are outright lies, such as claiming Haitian immigrants in Ohio are abducting and eating pets? Absolutely. However, such unhinged talk signals to Americans who are worried about the steady influx of illegal immigrants into their country that Trump can handle immigration so that it’s beneficial to the country as opposed to being an issue of economic stress.
In many ways, if polls are to be believed, Harris is paying the price for Biden and her lax policies early in their term. Yes, stimulus spending quickly rebuilt the job market, but at the cost of higher inflation. Loosen border policies at a time when anti-immigrant sentiment was increasing was a gross miscalculation, much like Trudeau’s immigration quota increase, and Biden indulging himself in running for re-election should never have happened.
If Trump wins, Democrats will proclaim that everyone is sexist, racist and misogynous, not to mention a likely White Supremacist, and for good measure, they’ll beat the “voter suppression” button. If Harris wins, Trump supporters will repeat voter fraud—since July, Elon Musk has tweeted on Twitter at least 22 times about voters being “imported” from abroad—being widespread.
Regardless of who wins tomorrow, Americans need to cool down; and give the divisive rhetoric a long overdue break. The right to an opinion belongs to everyone. Someone whose opinion differs from yours is not by default sexist, racist, a fascist or anything else; they simply disagree with you. Americans adopting the respectful mindset to agree to disagree would be the best thing they could do for the United States of America.
PHOENIX (AP) — Robert F. Kennedy Jr., a prominent proponent of debunked public health claims whom Donald Trump has promised to put in charge of health initiatives, said Saturday that Trump would push to remove fluoride from drinking water on his first day in office if elected president.
Fluoride strengthens teeth and reduces cavities by replacing minerals lost during normal wear and tear, according to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The addition of low levels of fluoride to drinking water has long been considered one of the greatest public health achievements of the last century.
Kennedy made the declaration Saturday on the social media platform X alongside a variety of claims about the heath effects of fluoride.
“On January 20, the Trump White House will advise all U.S. water systems to remove fluoride from public water,” Kennedy wrote. Trump and his wife, Melania Trump, “want to Make America Healthy Again,” he added, repeating a phrase Trump often uses and links to Kennedy.
Trump told NBC News on Sunday that he had not spoken to Kennedy about fluoride yet, “but it sounds OK to me. You know it’s possible.”
The former president declined to say whether he would seek a Cabinet role for Kennedy, a job that would require Senate confirmation, but added, “He’s going to have a big role in the administration.”
Asked whether banning certain vaccines would be on the table, Trump said he would talk to Kennedy and others about that. Trump described Kennedy as “a very talented guy and has strong views.”
The sudden and unexpected weekend social media post evoked the chaotic policymaking that defined Trump’s White House tenure, when he would issue policy declarations on Twitter at virtually all hours. It also underscored the concerns many experts have about Kennedy, who has long promoted debunked theories about vaccine safety, having influence over U.S. public health.
In 1950, federal officials endorsed water fluoridation to prevent tooth decay, and continued to promote it even after fluoride toothpaste brands hit the market several years later. Though fluoride can come from a number of sources, drinking water is the main source for Americans, researchers say.
Officials lowered their recommendation for drinking water fluoride levels in 2015 to address a tooth condition called fluorosis, that can cause splotches on teeth and was becoming more common in U.S. kids.
In August, a federal agency determined “with moderate confidence” that there is a link between higher levels of fluoride exposure and lower IQ in kids. The National Toxicology Program based its conclusion on studies involving fluoride levels at about twice the recommended limit for drinking water.
A federal judge later cited that study in ordering the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency to further regulate fluoride in drinking water. U.S. District Judge Edward Chen cautioned that it’s not certain that the amount of fluoride typically added to water is causing lower IQ in kids, but he concluded that mounting research points to an unreasonable risk that it could be. He ordered the EPA to take steps to lower that risk, but didn’t say what those measures should be.
In his X post Saturday, Kennedy tagged Michael Connett, the lead attorney representing the plaintiff in that lawsuit, the environmental advocacy group Food & Water Watch.
Kennedy’s anti-vaccine organization has a lawsuit pending against news organizations including The Associated Press, accusing them of violating antitrust laws by taking action to identify misinformation, including about COVID-19 and COVID-19 vaccines. Kennedy is on leave from the group but is listed as one of its attorneys in the lawsuit.
What role Kennedy might hold if Trump wins on Tuesday remains unclear. Kennedy recently told NewsNation that Trump asked him to “reorganize” agencies including the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the National Institutes of Health, the Food and Drug Administration and some agencies under the Department of Agriculture.
But for now, the former independent presidential candidate has become one of Trump’s top surrogates. Trump frequently mentions having the support of Kennedy, a scion of a Democratic dynasty and the son of former Attorney General Robert Kennedy and nephew of President John F. Kennedy.
Kennedy traveled with Trump Friday and spoke at his rallies in Michigan and Wisconsin.
Trump said Saturday that he told Kennedy: “You can work on food, you can work on anything you want” except oil policy.
“He wants health, he wants women’s health, he wants men’s health, he wants kids, he wants everything,” Trump added.
