The idea of a political “left” and “right” originated in revolutionary France: members of the freshly minted National Assembly picked their seats according to their fealty to either the king (they sat on the right) or the people (on the left). For as long as the idea of a political spectrum has existed, there have been complaints that a single axis is inadequate to reflect the complexity of multifaceted civic matters. Still, the idea has proved enduring, even as the meaning of being left- or right-wing has evolved. For people not obsessed with politics, the shorthand provides an adequate framework for understanding the values of those running the country. Care about locking up criminals, rewarding work, defence spending and family values? Tick this box. You favour better public services, giving people second chances, foreign aid and social justice? Tick that one. Other options available on request.
From America to India and Japan, voters in democracies the world over will recognise such polarising partisanship. Often there is too much of it. Europe now has too little. Its political waters are muddied as never before. Power in many of the EU’s 27 member states has become increasingly fragmented. Beyond left and right, centrist liberals now vie for office, as do greens, on top of populists on either fringe of the spectrum. Bring this electoral jumble up to the quasi-federal European level, where most big decisions are made nowadays, and it becomes impossible to work out what ideas those running the show have in common (not to mention that it can be hard to figure out who is running the show). Across Europe, coalitions have long been a cumbersome necessity to form national governments. At the EU level, you now have coalitions built atop coalitions.
European politics has become like quantum physics: anyone who claims to understand it doesn’t. It was not always thus. In 2010, nine of the 12 biggest countries in the EU had governments led by the centre-right; the rest were in the hands of the centre-left. The EU institutions in Brussels were also controlled by the right, starting with the European Commission, the bloc’s executive arm. When the continent’s big beasts came together—Germany’s Angela Merkel and France’s Nicolas Sarkozy, or José Manuel Barroso, the commission boss—they thought in broadly similar ways. They spoke the same language, albeit in different tongues.
Even then, decision-making could be tortuous: being right-wing in Poland is not quite the same thing as being right-wing in Portugal, and national interest can divide more than ideology unites. Nonetheless, when deals had to be struck, for instance on how to bail out Greece, a common intellectual framework existed. You might not have liked Europe’s fiscally rigid ways, say, but you understood where they came from. EU leaders met regularly (as they did this week, starting on June 29th). The thorniest decisions were quietly pre-arranged at meetings of the centre-right leaders that immediately preceded the summits.
But look at the 12 biggest EU countries these days, and no clear pattern emerges. Four political families—centre-right, centre-left, liberals and a populist conservative bloc—now hold sway in three countries each. Getting Germany, Italy, France and Sweden to agree on much was hard enough in 2010, even when their leaders hailed from the same political group. Now Germany has a three-way coalition led by a centre-left chancellor, France a liberal president with no parliamentary majority, Sweden a right-wing prime minister backed by hard-right populists, and Italy vice versa.
If there is a convincing narrative of what is going on in European politics, Charlemagne has yet to hear of it. The centre-right is not the force it once was, but nor is it completely doused: Kyriakos Mitsotakis triumphed in Greece last weekend, and the right is odds-on favourite to win in Spain on July 23rd as well as in Germany in 2025, displacing left-led governments in both cases. Liberals have probably the most prominent EU leader at the moment in Emmanuel Macron, but he has no clear succession plan. Think socialism is kaput? In France and Poland perhaps. But a third of EU citizens live in countries led by centre-left heads of government, more than any other political group. Populists, especially on the right, for a while were thought to be unstoppable at the ballot box; the hard-right is now second in the polls in Germany, and first in Austria. In other places, such as the Czech Republic and Slovenia, they look a spent force.
Could elections for the European Parliament in a year’s time provide a sense of the political direction in which Europe is heading? Probably not. There also, two parties used to dominate: the centre-right (European People’s Party) and centre-left (Socialists & Democrats). Now they control, respectively, a quarter and a fifth of the seats: not enough for a majority. Both are likely to lose ground next June. In any event, few people look to the parliament—a place where regulation is finessed, not high politics crafted—when it comes to setting a pan-European direction.
All directions, please
Europe’s political mush has not mattered so much in recent years, dominated as it has been by one crisis after another. Fighting covid-19 was a multipartisan affair. Dealing with the pandemic’s aftermath was mostly consensual, too. Everyone from small-state conservatives to hardened communists agreed it was time for government to spend lavishly to keep the economy afloat. The war in Ukraine united Polish populists and lefty Finns by way of liberal Dutch, all as keen as one another to combat Russian aggression.
But politics cannot be suspended for ever. If Europe is to feel like a single polity, as its proponents advocate, citizens must grasp what they are signing up for. Right now they do not. The Punch-and-Judy politics of two-party states has its drawbacks, but the clarity that emerges from such elections is enviable. America will go to the polls in 2024, and emerge with a government either of the right or left. The EU will keep opting for all-of-the-above. ■
New Brunswick voters have elected a Liberal majority government, tossing out the incumbent Progressive Conservatives after six years in power and handing the reins to the first woman ever to lead the province. Liberal Leader Susan Holt spent much of the campaign rolling out proposed fixes for a health-care system racked by a doctor shortage, overcrowded emergency rooms and long wait-times. She promised to open 30 community health clinics across the province by 2028. (Oct. 22, 2024)
Susan Holt has made history in New Brunswick by becoming the first woman to serve as the leader of the province’s Liberal Party, a significant milestone in the province’s political landscape. Holt’s leadership victory signals a new era of representation, gender equality, and change in the region, which has long been dominated by male politicians.
Holt’s journey to the top has been one of perseverance and dedication. Before entering politics, she built a distinguished career in the private sector, where she held numerous leadership positions. Her experience in business development and public policy has equipped her with the skills needed to navigate the complex world of politics.
In a province where women have historically been underrepresented in politics, Holt’s election represents a watershed moment. Women’s involvement in leadership roles has been steadily increasing nationwide, but New Brunswick, like many parts of Canada, has seen slower progress in achieving gender parity. Holt’s rise to the top of the Liberal Party not only shatters a glass ceiling but also serves as an inspiration for future generations of women aiming for political leadership.
As the leader of the New Brunswick Liberal Party, Holt has laid out a vision of inclusivity and progress. Her policies focus on economic development, healthcare reform, environmental sustainability, and addressing social issues that have plagued the province. She has also emphasized the importance of transparent governance and creating opportunities for underrepresented communities, making her platform both modern and forward-thinking.
Holt’s leadership arrives at a time when many voters are calling for change, especially in the face of challenges like economic uncertainty and the need for healthcare improvements. She aims to bring fresh ideas to tackle these issues while ensuring that all citizens, regardless of their background, have a voice in government decisions.
Susan Holt joins the ranks of other trailblazing women across Canada who have led provincial parties and governments. Women like former Alberta Premier Rachel Notley and Ontario’s Kathleen Wynne have paved the way, and now Holt is contributing to this growing legacy of female political leadership in Canada.
Her achievement highlights not only the growing number of women entering politics but also the demand for leaders who can bring diverse perspectives to the table. In a field often dominated by entrenched traditions, Holt’s election is a step toward a more inclusive and representative political landscape in New Brunswick.
Holt’s leadership signals a broader shift in Canadian politics, where more women and diverse voices are gaining prominence. For young women across the country, her rise serves as a powerful reminder that leadership roles are within reach, even in traditionally male-dominated spheres.
With her election, Susan Holt has proven that perseverance, skill, and a vision for change can break even the toughest barriers. Her leadership will not only reshape New Brunswick’s political future but also inspire others across Canada to pursue leadership positions and continue to challenge the status quo.
NDP Leader Carla Beck has two planned campaign events today, starting the day with an availability in Moose Jaw and then later this evening attending an event in the capital with the Regina Medical Staff Association.
Saskatchewan Party Leader Scott Moe, meanwhile, will speak in Prince Albert at the start of Voting Week in the province.
Saskatchewan residents can vote for five days starting today in the lead-up to next week’s provincial election, although polls won’t be open Sunday.
The NDP and the Saskatchewan Party are urging voters to cast their ballots early.
Voters can find their polling stations on their information cards or by visiting the Elections Saskatchewan website.
Chief electoral officer Michael Boda says there are about 810,000 registered voters in Saskatchewan.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published Oct. 22, 2024.
