Under the threat of COVID-19, life as we know it is unravelling across the world. Political developments considered momentous only a few weeks ago now appear trivial. In France, one of the big questions for 2020 was the ability of President Emmanuel Macron’s political movement, La République en marche (LREM), to gain a much-needed local foothold in the March municipal elections.
But the health crisis that has engulfed our societies, including France, appears to be turning politics-as-usual upside down, rendering the need for democratic consultation moot, at least for now. The political battlefield has shifted towards public health policy, crisis management, and executive leadership. Peacetime politics have been replaced by angry debate on how to conduct the war against COVID-19.
Politics before the war
After Macron was elected president in 2017 on the ashes of the French party system, he built LREM from scratch and took risks by promoting political newcomers. This has led to somewhat dissonant ideologies among members, and more than 15 MPs have left the party since the election. Yet French politics have remained atomized: Not only is the opposition to Macron fragmented, but the president’s party maintains a weak hold on power (recent opinion polls put the president’s popularity at 33%).
A year and a half into his mandate, the Gilets jaunes, a leaderless protest movement against social and fiscal injustices, underlined the fundamental disconnect between Macron’s party and “peripheral France” — the struggling lower and middle class beyond the beltways that surround large cities like Paris or Lyon. Macron’s attempt to reform the pension system also faced an angry opposition, triggering month-long strikes that paralyzed Paris.
Hence the importance of this year’s municipal elections, which presented an opportunity for a referendum on Macron two years before the next presidential election, and a test of his viability outside the capital. Several races, including over control of Socialist-led Paris, attracted significant attention. In mid-February, all eyes were fixed on the precipitous withdrawal from the race of the LREM candidate for mayor of Paris, a major development at the time that now looks inconsequential.
Three days before the first round, scheduled for Sunday March 15 — as COVID-19 was already claiming lives in France — President Macron announced school closures, but confirmed that the municipal elections would nonetheless take place. Party leaders across the political spectrum acquiesced. Earlier that day, when rumors had begun to circulate that the elections might be postponed, the head of the center-right party Les Républicains, Christian Jacob, denounced the idea as a “coup d’état” conjured by the president to protect his party from a “debacle” at the polls.
Over the next two days, preparations for the election continued as though the number of COVID-19 infections in France was not doubling every four days. Despite governmental restrictions on mass gatherings, hundreds of Gilets jaunes took to the streets for the 70th consecutive Saturday, leading to violence and arrests. As France transitioned from stage 2 to stage 3 of the pandemic, it decreed the closure of all “non-essential public places,” but Prime Minister Édouard Philippe reiterated that the following day’s municipal elections would proceed “as planned.” Citizens were urged to bring their own pens, maintain a one-meter distance from other voters, and wear masks so long as they remained recognizable.
Meanwhile, however, the public’s threat perception increased exponentially. Older voters, who are more vulnerable to the virus, chose to stay home, and the abstention rate reached a record 55.36%, 20 points higher than in the previous municipal election in 2014. As a consequence, election results were muddled and hard to interpret. It quickly became clear that LREM had performed poorly, capturing few municipalities and finishing third or fourth in major cities such as Paris, Lyon, and Marseille. Europe Écologie les Verts (EELV), the French Green party, made some gains — outperforming in Lyon, Grenoble, and Strasbourg — and the far-right Rassemblement National confirmed its hold on several cities. Yet no overarching political narrative emerged.
By the time the results of the first round came out, alarm over France’s coronavirus outbreak was accompanied by public anger. The number of cases was rapidly mounting, and suddenly, political leaders from all parties — most of whom had previously agreed with Macron’s Thursday decision to proceed with the elections — were calling for the second round to be postponed. Even Macron’s last-minute candidate for Paris, the former Health Minister Agnès Buzyn, confided in a controversial interview that she thought the first round should not have taken place.
Twenty-four hours after the polls closed, the French president announced a period of full confinement in France — meaning that citizens could only leave their residences with proper certification — and the postponement of the second round of municipal elections until at least June. It became clear that, in the age of COVID-19, the spread of infections across Europe, and France, followed by an avalanche of decisions taken to mitigate and contain the crisis, would override all other concerns, including politics. “We are at war,” the president solemnly declared.
Politics of war
President Macron’s announcement elicited relief across party lines. In fewer than four days, the entire political class had shifted gears, calling for unanimous, razor-sharp focus on the crisis, thereby seemingly distancing itself from political controversy. Although the Assemblée Nationale itself had become a hot-bed for infection, it spent the week following the first round of elections passing a law instituting a national “state of sanitary emergency,” which grants the government exceptional powers to deal with the crisis for the next two months.
“This is a war,” President Macron repeated in an address outside of an army-built clinic in Mulhouse on Wednesday. To combat the virus, the government drew on the “sanitary reserve”: 40,000 healthcare professionals (retirees, students, and others) to lend a hand to overextended medical staff. The military has also been mobilized: Operation Resilience allows Macron to deploy French troops throughout the country in support of public services, and to send helicopter carriers off the coasts of overseas territories.
During the war against coronavirus, should politics be cordoned off entirely? They evidently won’t be, not in a democracy, and especially not in one as fragmented as France. Despite apparent unity over the declaration of the state of emergency, the gloves have since come off.
Marine Le Pen, Macron’s far-right opponent in 2017, who had expressed approval of his aggressive quarantine measures and closure of borders, has since resumed her accusations that the government has misled the public about the pandemic. On the left, Olivier Faure, first secretary of the Socialist Party, openly questioned the government’s capacity to manage the crisis. Even Jean-Luc Mélenchon, the founder of the far-left La France Insoumise, who had been refraining from criticism, chimed in to point out the “flaws in the machinery of government.” And while President Macron announced the suspension of most reform projects for the duration of the epidemic, Gilets jaunes took to their balconies a week after the election for a coronavirus-appropriate 71st Saturday of protesting.
The power of opposition politicians is limited in times of such grave crisis. Discussing tactics during a war about which you have little field information and against which you have no weapon is risky. And with the country under lockdown, the opposition cannot take to the streets, the preferred mode of action in France. So opposition politicians are sticking to cable news and social networks, where disinformation and conspiracy theories proliferate. Those who want to appear credible tread lightly: The Socialist Party Leader Olivier Faure sent a letter to the president asking for a “war economy” that would allow the government to order factories to produce masks. Leaders from the center-right Républicains have called for an official parliamentary inquiry into the state of preparedness before the crisis. Confined members of parliament are taking advantage of the period of self-isolation to virtually reconnect with constituents.
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But in a war-like state, the only decisions of consequence are those made by the executive branch — and not just in Paris. Even in the centralized French state, the crisis has shifted the spotlight to officials with territorial authority — prefects, mayors, and regional presidents — who have a degree of discretion to execute policies within their jurisdictions.
The news media are also giving a platform to scientists from the Conseil Scientifique (a newly created body to advise the Elysée on the pandemic), as well as union leaders and heads of professional associations in areas like healthcare, distribution, agriculture, utilities, and transportation. With public outrage growing over the shortage of masks and protective gear, as well as lack of testing, doctors’ unions have appealed to the Conseil d’État, the top administrative court in France, which has rejected their claims so far. Nonetheless, healthcare professionals are enjoying newfound political power: The government has finally vowed to meet the needs of the hospital sector — which has been in disarray for years — through a massive investment plan after the crisis, and in the meantime, immediate financial support for this first line of defense against COVID-19.
For anyone who is not in the business of executive leadership, healthcare, or supportive functions, the war against COVID-19 calls for humility.
In addition, the French government has implemented major economic stabilization measures through its 45 billion euro package to help companies and employees get through the crisis. Measures include relaxing French labor laws and deferring corporate and payroll taxes. The government also created a state-guaranteed fund of 300 billion euros for bank loans to companies, and asked companies not to pay dividends this year. But while the French government pushes for greater solidarity at the European level to relaunch the economy after the crisis subsides, the war in France is being fought mainly against death, not recession.
Unsurprisingly, then, French citizens are wrought with pessimism and anxiety. Sixty-five percent believe that Macron and his government are “not doing enough,” and 47% report feeling anger about the president’s management of the crisis. Even the expected uptick in the president’s popularity is actually fairly small given the circumstances. But no one is benefitting: Only 27% of French people consider opposition parties “up to the task” of dealing with the pandemic, whereas mayors and prefects fare much better, with 69% and 50% respectively. With anxiety rising amongst overly-vigilant citizens stuck at home, politics has stumbled into unchartered territory. For anyone who is not in the business of executive leadership, healthcare, or supportive functions, the war against COVID-19 calls for humility.
HALIFAX – Nova Scotia Premier Tim Houston says it’s “disgraceful and demeaning” that a Halifax-area school would request that service members not wear military uniforms to its Remembrance Day ceremony.
Houston’s comments were part of a chorus of criticism levelled at the school — Sackville Heights Elementary — whose administration decided to back away from the plan after the outcry.
A November newsletter from the school in Middle Sackville, N.S., invited Armed Forces members to attend its ceremony but asked that all attendees arrive in civilian attire to “maintain a welcoming environment for all.”
Houston, who is currently running for re-election, accused the school’s leaders of “disgracing themselves while demeaning the people who protect our country” in a post on the social media platform X Thursday night.
“If the people behind this decision had a shred of the courage that our veterans have, this cowardly and insulting idea would have been rejected immediately,” Houston’s post read. There were also several calls for resignations within the school’s administration attached to Houston’s post.
In an email to families Thursday night, the school’s principal, Rachael Webster, apologized and welcomed military family members to attend “in the attire that makes them most comfortable.”
“I recognize this request has caused harm and I am deeply sorry,” Webster’s email read, adding later that the school has the “utmost respect for what the uniform represents.”
Webster said the initial request was out of concern for some students who come from countries experiencing conflict and who she said expressed discomfort with images of war, including military uniforms.
Her email said any students who have concerns about seeing Armed Forces members in uniform can be accommodated in a way that makes them feel safe, but she provided no further details in the message.
Webster did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
At a news conference Friday, Houston said he’s glad the initial request was reversed but said he is still concerned.
“I can’t actually fathom how a decision like that was made,” Houston told reporters Friday, adding that he grew up moving between military bases around the country while his father was in the Armed Forces.
“My story of growing up in a military family is not unique in our province. The tradition of service is something so many of us share,” he said.
“Saying ‘lest we forget’ is a solemn promise to the fallen. It’s our commitment to those that continue to serve and our commitment that we will pass on our respects to the next generation.”
Liberal Leader Zach Churchill also said he’s happy with the school’s decision to allow uniformed Armed Forces members to attend the ceremony, but he said he didn’t think it was fair to question the intentions of those behind the original decision.
“We need to have them (uniforms) on display at Remembrance Day,” he said. “Not only are we celebrating (veterans) … we’re also commemorating our dead who gave the greatest sacrifice for our country and for the freedoms we have.”
NDP Leader Claudia Chender said that while Remembrance Day is an important occasion to honour veterans and current service members’ sacrifices, she said she hopes Houston wasn’t taking advantage of the decision to “play politics with this solemn occasion for his own political gain.”
“I hope Tim Houston reached out to the principal of the school before making a public statement,” she said in a statement.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 8, 2024.
REGINA – Saskatchewan Opposition NDP Leader Carla Beck says she wants to prove to residents her party is the government in waiting as she heads into the incoming legislative session.
Beck held her first caucus meeting with 27 members, nearly double than what she had before the Oct. 28 election but short of the 31 required to form a majority in the 61-seat legislature.
She says her priorities will be health care and cost-of-living issues.
Beck says people need affordability help right now and will press Premier Scott Moe’s Saskatchewan Party government to cut the gas tax and the provincial sales tax on children’s clothing and some grocery items.
Beck’s NDP is Saskatchewan’s largest Opposition in nearly two decades after sweeping Regina and winning all but one seat in Saskatoon.
The Saskatchewan Party won 34 seats, retaining its hold on all of the rural ridings and smaller cities.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 8, 2024.
HALIFAX – Nova Scotia‘s growing population was the subject of debate on Day 12 of the provincial election campaign, with Liberal Leader Zach Churchill arguing immigration levels must be reduced until the province can provide enough housing and health-care services.
Churchill said Thursday a plan by the incumbent Progressive Conservatives to double the province’s population to two million people by the year 2060 is unrealistic and unsustainable.
“That’s a big leap and it’s making life harder for people who live here, (including ) young people looking for a place to live and seniors looking to downsize,” he told a news conference at his campaign headquarters in Halifax.
Anticipating that his call for less immigration might provoke protests from the immigrant community, Churchill was careful to note that he is among the third generation of a family that moved to Nova Scotia from Lebanon.
“I know the value of immigration, the importance of it to our province. We have been built on the backs of an immigrant population. But we just need to do it in a responsible way.”
The Liberal leader said Tim Houston’s Tories, who are seeking a second term in office, have made a mistake by exceeding immigration targets set by the province’s Department of Labour and Immigration. Churchill said a Liberal government would abide by the department’s targets.
In the most recent fiscal year, the government welcomed almost 12,000 immigrants through its nominee program, exceeding the department’s limit by more than 4,000, he said. The numbers aren’t huge, but the increase won’t help ease the province’s shortages in housing and doctors, and the increased strain on its infrastructure, including roads, schools and cellphone networks, Churchill said.
“(The Immigration Department) has done the hard work on this,” he said. “They know where the labour gaps are, and they know what growth is sustainable.”
In response, Houston said his commitment to double the population was a “stretch goal.” And he said the province had long struggled with a declining population before that trend was recently reversed.
“The only immigration that can come into this province at this time is if they are a skilled trade worker or a health-care worker,” Houston said. “The population has grown by two per cent a year, actually quite similar growth to what we experienced under the Liberal government before us.”
Still, Houston said he’s heard Nova Scotians’ concerns about population growth, and he then pivoted to criticize Prime Minister Justin Trudeau for trying to send 6,000 asylum seekers to Nova Scotia, an assertion the federal government has denied.
Churchill said Houston’s claim about asylum seekers was shameful.
“It’s smoke and mirrors,” the Liberal leader said. “He is overshooting his own department’s numbers for sustainable population growth and yet he is trying to blame this on asylum seekers … who aren’t even here.”
In September, federal Immigration Minister Marc Miller said there is no plan to send any asylum seekers to the province without compensation or the consent of the premier. He said the 6,000 number was an “aspirational” figure based on models that reflect each province’s population.
In Halifax, NDP Leader Claudia Chender said it’s clear Nova Scotia needs more doctors, nurses and skilled trades people.
“Immigration has been and always will be a part of the Nova Scotia story, but we need to build as we grow,” Chender said. “This is why we have been pushing the Houston government to build more affordable housing.”
Chender was in a Halifax cafe on Thursday when she promised her party would remove the province’s portion of the harmonized sales tax from all grocery, cellphone and internet bills if elected to govern on Nov. 26. The tax would also be removed from the sale and installation of heat pumps.
“Our focus is on helping people to afford their lives,” Chender told reporters. “We know there are certain things that you can’t live without: food, internet and a phone …. So we know this will have the single biggest impact.”
The party estimates the measure would save the average Nova Scotia family about $1,300 a year.
“That’s a lot more than a one or two per cent HST cut,” Chender said, referring to the Progressive Conservative pledge to reduce the tax by one percentage point and the Liberal promise to trim it by two percentage points.
Elsewhere on the campaign trail, Houston announced that a Progressive Conservative government would make parking free at all Nova Scotia hospitals and health-care centres. The promise was also made by the Liberals in their election platform released Monday.
“Free parking may not seem like a big deal to some, but … the parking, especially for people working at the facilities, can add up to hundreds of dollars,” the premier told a news conference at his campaign headquarters in Halifax.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 7, 2024.
