Globe editorial: Buck-a-ride is good politics – and terrible policy. But still better than what Doug Ford is pitching - The Globe and Mail | Canada News Media
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Globe editorial: Buck-a-ride is good politics – and terrible policy. But still better than what Doug Ford is pitching – The Globe and Mail

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As Kim Campbell was famously misquoted as saying, elections are no time to talk about serious issues. The quip has evolved from misprint to truism. Politicians have become ever more likely to bid for votes with shiny distractions, and sound-bite solutions to heavyweight problems.

Which brings us to the Ontario provincial election, and the opening pitch from the third-place Liberal Party: buck-a-ride.

Voting day is less than a month away, which presents two major challenges for the Liberals. Many people don’t know there’s an election; most have no idea who the Liberal leader is. (Answer: Steven Del Duca.) The Grits have to get noticed, and they haven’t much time.

So the party opened this week with buck-a-ride. Fares on each of the province’s municipal transit systems, plus GO Transit and Ontario Northland, would be cut to $1, until 2024.

It may be good marketing – a tight phrase, a catchy slogan, plus mockery of “buck-a-beer,” one of Progressive Conservative Leader Doug Ford’s memorable gimmicks from the last election. (Which he never delivered on).

Thing is, it’s a flawed policy. And its flaw – money sent to the wrong destination, for political reasons – is what increasingly afflicts public transit in Ontario. When provincial politicians are driving the bus, the terminus is always Queen’s Park.

Buck-a-ride has one thing going for it: The PC plan is worse.

Mr. Ford is writing cheques to drivers. He recently made vehicle license renewals free, which will save most drivers $120 and cost Ontario more than $1-billion a year. He also refunded all renewal fees paid since March of 2020, removed tolls from highways 412 and 418, and if re-elected will spend umpteen billion dollars – exact figures pending – on two new highways, the 413 and the Bradford Bypass.

The PCs have branded themselves as the party of the car. The Liberals want to brand themselves as the opposite.

The Liberals say their loonie-ride plan will cost just $710-million this year, and $1.1-billion next year. The numbers look lowballed, based on ridership at the Toronto Transit Commission, which is (by far) the province’s busiest. Still, a plan to subsidize mass transit is, all else equal, better than a plan to subsidize roads and cars.

But the Liberal scheme has three big defects.

The first is that the proposed subsidy is unequal, illogical and wasteful. It’s a policy derived from a sound bite, not the other way around.

A TTC rider pays a fare of $3.25, which under the Liberal plan would drop to $1. But someone commuting by GO train from Oshawa to downtown Toronto – around 50 kilometres – would also pay $1. The current (already highly subsidized) fare is $12.25. Under the Liberal plan, they can expect to save nearly $4,000 a year, paid for by taxpayers.

The longer the distance, the bigger the subsidy. Chopping the GO fare from Kitchener to Toronto to $1, from $19.40, would give a regular commuter a subsidy of more than $6,000 a year. A commuter from Niagara Falls would get an annual subsidy of more than $7,000.

Which brings us to the second problem. This is a plan to send the biggest subsidies to the most costly routes. This is becoming a pattern, and entirely the wrong one, when it comes to Greater Toronto Area transit.

Back in the 1960s, the TTC was a model transit agency, able to finance operations from fares. That was a very long time ago. The TTC still receives a lower per-passenger subsidy than any major transit agency in North America, but decades of politicians forcing it to build and run high-priced, low-ridership lines to low-density neighbourhoods has raised costs more than revenues.

And several projects in the works – notably the Scarborough Subway and the tunnelled Eglinton West LRT, both promising higher costs and fewer riders than the alternatives – will only make things worse.

The Liberal plan is a bit like that. Too many taxpayer dollars subsidizing the most expensive commutes.

Final problem: If we want more people to use transit, what agencies like the TTC need most is more operating funding, to deliver faster and more frequent service.

Loonie-ride isn’t about that. It subsidizes riders, not transit. That’s better than subsidizing drivers, but compared to the best transit policy, it feels like one more detour.

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New Brunswick Premier Blaine Higgs kicks off provincial election campaign

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FREDERICTON – New Brunswick Premier Blaine Higgs has called an election for Oct. 21, signalling the beginning of a 33-day campaign expected to focus on pocketbook issues and the government’s provocative approach to gender identity policies.

The 70-year-old Progressive Conservative leader, who is seeking a third term in office, has attracted national attention by requiring teachers to get parental consent before they can use the preferred names and pronouns of young students.

More recently, however, the former Irving Oil executive has tried to win over inflation-weary voters by promising to lower the provincial harmonized sales tax by two percentage points to 13 per cent if re-elected.

At dissolution, the Conservatives held 25 seats in the 49-seat legislature. The Liberals held 16 seats, the Greens had three and there was one Independent and four vacancies.

J.P. Lewis, a political science professor at the University of New Brunswick, said the top three issues facing New Brunswickers are affordability, health care and education.

“Across many jurisdictions, affordability is the top concern — cost of living, housing prices, things like that,” he said.

Richard Saillant, an economist and former vice-president of Université de Moncton, said the Tories’ pledge to lower the HST represents a costly promise.

“I don’t think there’s that much room for that,” he said. “I’m not entirely clear that they can do so without producing a greater deficit.” Saillant also pointed to mounting pressures to invest more in health care, education and housing, all of which are facing increasing demands from a growing population.

Higgs’s main rivals are Liberal Leader Susan Holt and Green Party Leader David Coon. Both are focusing on economic and social issues.

Holt has promised to impose a rent cap and roll out a subsidized school food program. The Liberals also want to open at least 30 community health clinics over the next four years.

Coon has said a Green government would create an “electricity support program,” which would give families earning less than $70,000 annually about $25 per month to offset “unprecedented” rate increases.

Higgs first came to power in 2018, when the Tories formed the province’s first minority government in 100 years. In 2020, he called a snap election — the first province to go to the polls after the start of the COVID-19 pandemic — and won a majority.

Since then, several well-known cabinet ministers and caucus members have stepped down after clashing with Higgs, some of them citing what they described as an authoritarian leadership style and a focus on policies that represent a hard shift to the right side of the political spectrum.

Lewis said the Progressive Conservatives are in the “midst of reinvention.”

“It appears he’s shaping the party now, really in the mould of his world views,” Lewis said. “Even though (Progressive Conservatives) have been down in the polls, I still think that they’re very competitive.”

Meanwhile, the legislature remained divided along linguistic lines. The Tories dominate in English-speaking ridings in central and southern parts of the province, while the Liberals held most French-speaking ridings in the north.

The drama within the party began in October 2022 when the province’s outspoken education minister, Dominic Cardy, resigned from cabinet, saying he could no longer tolerate the premier’s leadership style. In his resignation letter, Cardy cited controversial plans to reform French-language education. The government eventually stepped back those plans.

A series of resignations followed last year when the Higgs government announced changes to Policy 713, which now requires students under 16 who are exploring their gender identity to get their parents’ consent before teachers can use their preferred first names or pronouns — a reversal of the previous practice.

When several Tory lawmakers voted with the opposition to call for an external review of the change, Higgs dropped dissenters from his cabinet. And a bid by some party members to trigger a leadership review went nowhere.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

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New Brunswick Premier Blaine Higgs expected to call provincial election today

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FREDERICTON – A 33-day provincial election campaign is expected to officially get started today in New Brunswick.

Progressive Conservative Premier Blaine Higgs has said he plans to visit Lt.-Gov. Brenda Murphy this morning to have the legislature dissolved.

Higgs, a 70-year-old former oil executive, is seeking a third term in office, having led the province since 2018.

The campaign ahead of the Oct. 21 vote is expected to focus on pocketbook issues, but the government’s provocative approach to gender identity issues could also be in the spotlight.

The Tory premier has already announced he will try to win over inflation-weary voters by promising to lower the harmonized sales tax by two percentage points to 13 per cent if re-elected.

Higgs’s main rivals are Liberal Leader Susan Holt and Green Party Leader David Coon, both of whom are focusing on economic and social issues.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

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NDP flips, BC United flops, B.C. Conservatives surge as election campaign approaches

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VICTORIA – If the lead up to British Columbia‘s provincial election campaign is any indication of what’s to come, voters should expect the unexpected.

It could be a wild ride to voting day on Oct. 19.

The Conservative Party of B.C. that didn’t elect a single member in the last election and gained less than two per cent of the popular vote is now leading the charge for centre-right, anti-NDP voters.

The official Opposition BC United, who as the former B.C. Liberals won four consecutive majorities from 2001 to 2013, raised a white flag and suspended its campaign last month, asking its members, incumbents and voters to support the B.C. Conservatives to prevent a vote split on the political right.

New Democrat Leader David Eby delivered a few political surprises of his own in the days leading up to Saturday’s official campaign start, signalling major shifts on the carbon tax and the issue of involuntary care in an attempt to curb the deadly opioid overdose crisis.

He said the NDP would drop the province’s long-standing carbon tax for consumers if the federal government eliminates its requirement to keep the levy in place, and pledged to introduce involuntary care of people battling mental health and addiction issues.

The B.C. Coroners Service reports more than 15,000 overdose deaths since the province declared an opioid overdose public health emergency in 2016.

Drug policy in B.C., especially decriminalization of possession of small amounts of hard drugs and drug use in public areas, could become key election issues this fall.

Eby, a former executive director of the B.C. Civil Liberties Association, said Wednesday that criticism of the NDP’s involuntary care plan by the Canadian Civil Liberties Association is “misinformed” and “misleading.”

“This isn’t about forcing people into a particular treatment,” he said at an unrelated news conference. “This is about making sure that their safety, as well as the safety of the broader community, is looked after.”

Eby said “simplistic arguments,” where one side says lock people up and the other says don’t lock anybody up don’t make sense.

“There are some people who should be in jail, who belong in jail to ensure community safety,” said Eby. “There are some people who need to be in intensive, secure mental health treatment facilities because that’s what they need in order to be safe, in order not to be exploited, in order not to be dead.”

The CCLA said in a statement Eby’s plan is not acceptable.

“There is no doubt that substance use is an alarming and pressing epidemic,” said Anais Bussières McNicoll, the association’s fundamental freedoms program director. “This scourge is causing significant suffering, particularly, among vulnerable and marginalized groups. That being said, detaining people without even assessing their capacity to make treatment decisions, and forcing them to undergo treatment against their will, is unconstitutional.”

While Eby, a noted human rights lawyer, could face political pressure from civil rights opponents to his involuntary care plans, his opponents on the right also face difficulties.

The BC United Party suspended its campaign last month in a pre-election move to prevent a vote split on the right, but that support may splinter as former jilted United members run as Independents.

Five incumbent BC United MLAs, Mike Bernier, Dan Davies, Tom Shypitka, Karin Kirkpatrick and Coralee Oakes are running as Independents and could become power brokers in the event of a minority government situation, while former BC United incumbents Ian Paton, Peter Milobar and Trevor Halford are running under the B.C. Conservative banner.

Davies, who represents the Fort St. John area riding of Peace River North, said he’s always been a Conservative-leaning politician but he has deep community roots and was urged by his supporters to run as an Independent after the Conservatives nominated their own candidate.

Davies said he may be open to talking with B.C. Conservative Leader John Rustad after the election, if he wins or loses.

Green Leader Sonia Furstenau has suggested her party is an option for alienated BC United voters.

Rustad — who faced criticism from BC United Leader Kevin Falcon and Eby about the far-right and extremist views of some of his current and former candidates and advisers — said the party’s rise over the past months has been meteoric.

“It’s been almost 100 years since the Conservative Party in B.C. has won a government,” he said. “The last time was 1927. I look at this now and I think I have never seen this happen anywhere in the country before. This has been happening in just over a year. It just speaks volumes that people are just that eager and interested in change.”

Rustad, ejected from the former B.C. Liberals in August 2022 for publicly supporting a climate change skeptic, sat briefly as an Independent before being acclaimed the B.C. Conservative leader in March 2023.

Rustad, who said if elected he will fire B.C.’s provincial health officer Dr. Bonnie Henry over her vaccine mandates during the COVID-19 pandemic, has removed the nominations of some of his candidates who were vaccine opponents.

“I am not interested in going after votes and trying to do things that I think might be popular,” he said.

Prof. David Black, a political communications specialist at Greater Victoria’s Royal Roads University, said the rise of Rustad’s Conservatives and the collapse of BC United is the political story of the year in B.C.

But it’s still too early to gauge the strength of the Conservative wave, he said.

“Many questions remain,” said Black. “Has the free enterprise coalition shifted sufficiently far enough to the right to find the social conservatism and culture-war populism of some parts of the B.C. Conservative platform agreeable? Is a party that had no infrastructure and minimal presence in what are now 93 ridings this election able to scale up and run a professional campaign across the province?”

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

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