Connect with us

Politics

How Buying Beans Became a Political Statement – The New York Times

Published

on


For years, the Goya brand was synonymous with the Latino-American dream. The sheer number of products that lined the grocery store aisles — from refried pinto beans to sazón con azafran seasoning — spoke to the growing number of Hispanic immigrants who bought them. Goya, the nation’s largest Hispanic food company, has sponsored Dominican art shows, mariachi contests and soccer programs.

Advisers to President Trump considered it a victory when Goya’s chief executive, Robert Unanue, agreed to appear at the White House rollout of what it called the Hispanic Prosperity Initiative, an executive order that promised better access to education and employment for Hispanics.

In the Rose Garden on July 9, Mr. Unanue praised Mr. Trump and compared him to his grandfather, who founded Goya.

“We’re all truly blessed at the same time to have a leader like President Trump, who is a builder,” said Mr. Unanue, a registered Republican. “And that’s what my grandfather did.”

And just like that, a once-beloved brand became anathema in many Latino homes across the United States. People posted videos and photos of themselves clearing out their pantries and tossing cans of Goya beans into the trash. It became a symbol of political resistance to share recipes for Goya product substitutes. “Oh look, it’s the sound of me Googling ‘how to make your own Adobo,’” Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Democrat of New York wrote on Twitter, referring to a popular seasoning that Goya sells.

Credit…Kevin Lamarque/Reuters

Almost immediately, Trump loyalists pushed back — filling shopping carts full of Goya products and posting videos of themselves dutifully swallowing Goya beans.

By the time Ivanka Trump tweeted an endorsement of Goya, one thing had become clear: In a polarized country, at a polarized time, the buying of beans had become a political act.

Even as Mr. Trump’s support has cratered among many demographics, he has held on to a small but durable slice of Hispanic voters, many of them in Florida, a state full of Cuban Republicans that is known for razor-thin electoral margins.

Polls consistently show Mr. Trump with an approval rating among Hispanic voters hovering around 25 percent, within the lower end of the range that Republican presidents have attracted for decades. Before the coronavirus pandemic tanked the economy, the Trump campaign repeatedly pointed to the low unemployment rate among Hispanics as an indication that the administration was delivering for the community, a group he has also offended with inflammatory remarks about immigration.

#styln-briefing-block
font-family: nyt-franklin,helvetica,arial,sans-serif;
background-color: #F3F3F3;
padding: 20px;
margin: 37px auto;
border-radius: 5px;
color: #121212;
box-sizing: border-box;
width: calc(100% – 40px);

#styln-briefing-block a
color: #121212;

#styln-briefing-block a.briefing-block-link
color: #121212;
border-bottom: 1px solid #cccccc;
font-size: 0.9375rem;
line-height: 1.375rem;

#styln-briefing-block a.briefing-block-link:hover
border-bottom: none;

#styln-briefing-block .briefing-block-bullet::before
content: ‘•’;
margin-right: 7px;
color: #333;
font-size: 12px;
margin-left: -13px;
top: -2px;
position: relative;

#styln-briefing-block .briefing-block-bullet:not(:last-child)
margin-bottom: 0.75em;

#styln-briefing-block .briefing-block-header-section
margin-bottom: 16px;

#styln-briefing-block .briefing-block-header
font-weight: 700;
font-size: 16px;
line-height: 20px;
display: inline-block;
margin-right: 6px;

#styln-briefing-block .briefing-block-header a
text-decoration: none;
color: #333;

#styln-briefing-block .briefing-block-footer
font-size: 14px;
margin-top: 1.25em;

#styln-briefing-block .briefing-block-briefinglinks
padding-top: 1em;
margin-top: 1.75em;
border-top: 1px solid #E2E2E3;

#styln-briefing-block .briefing-block-briefinglinks a
font-weight: bold;
margin-right: 6px;

#styln-briefing-block .briefing-block-footer a
border-bottom: 1px solid #ccc;

#styln-briefing-block .briefing-block-footer a:hover
border-bottom: 1px solid transparent;

#styln-briefing-block .briefing-block-header
border-bottom: none;

#styln-briefing-block .briefing-block-lb-items
display: grid;
grid-template-columns: auto 1fr;
grid-column-gap: 20px;
grid-row-gap: 15px;
line-height: 1.2;

#styln-briefing-block .briefing-block-update-time a
color: #999;
font-size: 12px;

#styln-briefing-block .briefing-block-update-time.active a
color: #D0021B;

#styln-briefing-block .briefing-block-footer-meta
display: flex;
justify-content: space-between;
align-items: center;

#styln-briefing-block .briefing-block-ts
color: #D0021B;
font-size: 11px;
display: inline-block;

@media only screen and (min-width: 600px)
#styln-briefing-block
padding: 30px;
width: calc(100% – 40px);
max-width: 600px;

#styln-briefing-block a.briefing-block-link
font-size: 1.0625rem;
line-height: 1.5rem;

#styln-briefing-block .briefing-block-bullet::before
content: ‘•’;
margin-right: 10px;
color: #333;
font-size: 12px;
margin-left: -15px;
top: -2px;
position: relative;

#styln-briefing-block .briefing-block-header
font-size: 17px;

#styln-briefing-block .briefing-block-update-time a
font-size: 13px;

@media only screen and (min-width: 1024px)
#styln-briefing-block
width: 100%;

Now Goya has fallen into this boiling pot of politics and anger, a strange turn of events for a company that has prided itself on knowing its customers intimately.

With each wave of Hispanic immigrants from Latin America and the Caribbean, Goya has added new products to suit their cuisine, and over the years it has distributed millions of pounds of food to pantries after hurricanes and during the pandemic.

The company was founded in 1936 by Mr. Unanue’s grandparents, who moved from the Basque region of Spain to Puerto Rico, and then New York City, where they sold sardines and olive oil from a storefront on Duane Street in Lower Manhattan.

As the company expanded, it changed its name from Unanue & Sons to Goya Foods — reportedly buying rights to its new name for $1 because it was easier to pronounce than “oo-NA-new-way” — and branched into manufacturing. During the mid-1970s, Joseph Unanue, one of the founders’ four sons, took over as chief executive, and the company relocated to New Jersey. By the time he stepped down, the company had established relationships with Walmart and other big grocers and its annual revenue had grown to $1 billion from $20 million.

Some noted that Robert Unanue’s remarks at the White House showcased the glaring disconnect between the wealthy executive whose family hailed from Spain and the largely working-class Latinos who make up his customer base. The harshest critics questioned whether he considered himself Latino.

Credit…Sergio Flores for The New York Times

The speed and size of the boycott speak to “how raw people in the community feel about the president,” said Clarissa Martinez de Castro, the deputy vice president for policy and advocacy for UnidosUS, a Latino civic engagement organization. She said many Latinos blamed Mr. Trump’s attacks on undocumented immigrants for inciting discrimination and violence against Latinos, particularly the massacre last summer in El Paso.

For the first time, she said, anxieties about racial discrimination have ranked in the top concerns among Latino voters in surveys. But Mr. Trump’s supporters are betting that this is a winning issue for them and that Americans won’t understand or empathize with the boycott.

The day after the Rose Garden ceremony, Senator Ted Cruz, Republican of Texas, tweeted: “Goya is a staple of Cuban food. My grandparents ate Goya black beans twice a day for nearly 90 years. And now the Left is trying to cancel Hispanic culture and silence free speech. #BuyGoya.”

And suddenly, the once-beloved Hispanic brand became a cause célèbre on the right.

Mr. Cruz said in an interview that he saw the boycott as an example of “spirit of intolerance.”

“The offense is he dared to say he supported the president,” Mr. Cruz said, adding that “anytime anyone dares disagree from their rigid orthodoxy, they seek to punish, cancel or destroy to the dissenter.”

Mr. Unanue, who has contributed to the campaigns of both Democrats and Republicans and worked with Michelle Obama on an anti-obesity initiative, appeared unprepared for the firestorm. Neither he nor Goya officials responded to requests for comment. But Mr. Unanue defended his remarks at the White House, telling The Wall Street Journal that he went there out of respect. “I remain strong in my convictions that I feel blessed with the leadership of our president,” he told the newspaper.

Trump supporters filmed themselves filling shopping carts full of Goya products, relishing in the opportunity to defend a Hispanic businessman and accuse Democrats of being anti-Latino. Dinesh D’Souza, a conservative political commentator, shared a video of himself swallowing beans, which he admitted he rarely ate.

A few days later, Mr. Trump circulated a photo of himself sitting in the Oval Office, smiling widely and with his thumbs up, in front of several Goya products, including a package of chocolate wafers and coconut milk.

Responding to questions about whether Ms. Trump’s tweet violated federal law forbidding government employees from using their positions to endorse products, Carolina Hurley, a White House spokeswoman, said the president’s daughter “has every right to express her personal support” for the company.

Credit…Samuel Corum for The New York Times

“Only the media and the cancel culture movement would criticize Ivanka for showing her personal support for a company that has been unfairly mocked, boycotted and ridiculed for supporting this administration — one that has consistently fought for and delivered for the Hispanic community,” Ms. Hurley said.

Some political scientists said Mr. Trump appeared eager for the free publicity that came by associating himself with a beloved Hispanic brand.

“It’s the Republican version of ‘Hispandering,’” said Geraldo Cadava, a history professor at Northwestern University and author of “The Hispanic Republican.” “He’s pandering to Hispanics the same way that politicians have peppered their stump speeches with a few words in Spanish. It’s the same kind of signal.”

Mr. Trump has occasionally made visible efforts to reach Hispanic voters. The Hispanic Prosperity Initiative, which included few details, came during a week in which he also met with Venezuelans who had fled socialism and held an interview with Telemundo, a Spanish-language television station. Mr. Trump spoke in the interview about a “road to citizenship” for undocumented immigrants brought to the United States as children, even as his administration has pledged to fight a Supreme Court decision upholding the Obama-era program that protected them.

It remains to be seen whether Hispanics who do not already support Trump will be swayed by his sudden association with Goya or his attempt to bring Hispanics onto the conservative side of the nation’s long-simmering culture war.

But for a few Latinos, the message resonated.

Alexander Otaola, a Cuban-American in Florida with 105,000 followers on Instagram, issued a video in Spanish that likened the Goya boycott to the destruction of statues and other cultural icons.

“What is Goya in the Latino community? It’s an icon, a statue,” he said in the YouTube video. “The left wants to destroy all icons.”

It is not clear how deeply the boycott has cut into Goya’s bottom line, or whether the impact of the “buycott” has canceled it out. Goya is a privately held company, so its records are not public.

In Jerry’s Supermarket in the predominantly Latino Oak Cliff community in Dallas, Goya products lined the shelves, as usual, and were bought by a steady stream of customers last weekend. In San Antonio’s Alamo Heights community, one cashier said managers of La Michoacana Supermarket have not said they would quit carrying Goya products. Guava paste and Salvadoran pickled salad, among other items, remained on the shelves.

But in Tucson, Ariz., Patrick Robles, a 19-year-old student at the University of Arizona, said his whole family was boycotting Goya products even though the company’s chickpeas had always been perfect for cocido, or Mexican stew.

“It was a punch in the stomach for us,” Mr. Robles said of Mr. Unanue’s comments praising a president who Mr. Robles felt has routinely devalued Latinos. Now, they are going to turn to brands like La Costeña or Rosarita.

But Pamela Ramirez, a 48-year-old Mexican-American small-business consultant in East Los Angeles, said she strongly opposed the Goya boycott. Since there is a large number of Latinos employed by the company, she thinks that boycotting the product could harm her own community. For every one of her Facebook friends who has posted about boycotting the product, Ms. Ramirez bought $10 worth of Goya products and donated them to a food bank, she said.

“You’ve got to put your money where your mouth is,” she said. “If you don’t, then you’re just part of the problem.”

Contributing reporting were Elda Lizzia Cantú, Giulia McDonnell Nieto del Rio, Marina Trahan Martinez, Erin Coulehan and David Montgomery. Sheelagh McNeill contributed research.

Let’s block ads! (Why?)



Source link

Politics

Nova Scotia Premier Stephen McNeil to step down after 17 years in politics

Published

on

Nova Scotia Premier Stephen McNeil announced Thursday he will step down.

McNeil was first elected in 2003 as MLA for Annapolis and has been premier since 2013.

“Seventeen years is a long time,” he said at a media availability that was broadcast live following a cabinet meeting, “and it’s long enough.”

McNeil said he had made the decision to resign prior to the coronavirus pandemic, but he reconsidered when the virus arrived in Nova Scotia in March.

“All of those plans were put on hold, and I gave this my all. I spent five weeks here without ever getting home to my own property and my own home. [I was] away from my family because I was working with Public Health and with our team to try to get control of it.”

McNeil said he will continue to act as premier and Liberal Party leader until the party chooses a replacement. He said he expected a leadership campaign to take months. Nova Scotia does not have fixed election dates but is due for an election by 2022.

“We’re at a position right now where I felt the window for me to — I either had to say I was going, or I was too late.”

The long-serving politician is in his second term of a majority government. He said he feels two terms is a long time for one person to hold that responsibility and for the province to have the same leader.

 

McNeil makes a campaign stop at a farmers’ market in Bedford, N.S., in May 2017. (The Canadian Press)

 

‘This is not a lifelong career’

Before announcing his resignation, McNeil gave a seven-minute speech rounding up his time in office and took questions from reporters for more than 30 minutes.

McNeil said he didn’t pursue politics with the ambition to become party leader or premier.

“I ran in the first case wanting to change the community and help support the community I live in, one that I was raised in and one where our kids were raised,” he said.

Before being elected as MLA for his rural community, McNeil owned and operated a small appliance repair business.

When he was first elected, the Liberals were the third-ranking party in the province behind the governing Progressive Conservatives and opposition NDP.

McNeil was leader when the party became the Official Opposition in 2009, and then defeated the governing New Democrats in 2013 to form a majority government.

 

McNeil at his campaign headquarters in Bridgetown, N.S., on election night in 2013 after winning the provincial election. McNeil is joined by his children, Colleen and Jeffrey, and his wife Andrea. (Mike Dembeck/The Canadian Press)

 

“I spent the last six years doing what I think is in the best interest of all Nova Scotians,” he said Thursday.

McNeil touched on some of the polarizing decisions he and his government have made, including imposing contracts on several public-sector unions.

“Of course we all remember the unions rallying around Province House. That wasn’t an easy time. We asked our public-sector unions to take less — not take nothing, just take less.”

He connected those spending decisions to his government’s track record for balancing the budget, which is a point of pride often touted by McNeil. His government’s latest budget, passed in March, was balanced at the time before being blown apart by COVID-19.

 

 

Health care was a hot-button issue in Nova Scotia even before the pandemic, with constant criticism from opposition parties about McNeil’s handling of a shortage of physicians and scrutiny of plans to redevelop the province’s largest hospital system.

In his remarks Thursday, McNeil highlighted that his government is spending hundreds of millions of dollars on the hospital project.

McNeil said he celebrated his 17th anniversary in elected office on Wednesday.

“I love this job. I’ve enjoyed every day of it, and every day I’m inspired by the people of this province. But this is not a lifelong career.”

McNeil said he doesn’t have any plans lined up for when he steps away from public office.

 

McNeil at a recent COVID-19 press briefing. (Communications Nova Scotia)

 

A ‘historic day’

Leaders from both of the province’s opposition parties offered well wishes to McNeil in statements after his announcement.

“The premier and his family deserve thanks for their sacrifices during a life dedicated to public service. Seventeen years is a long time at any job. Seventeen years as an elected official serving our province is a remarkable accomplishment,” said Tim Houston, leader of the Official Opposition Progressive Conservatives.

NDP Leader Gary Burrill said Thursday marked a “historic day.”

“I have valued the opportunity to debate Premier McNeil on the issues that matter most to people in our communities. Although we have frequently differed over the path forward for our province, we have enjoyed a relationship of mutual respect.”

Once McNeil officially steps down, the 55-year-old will immediately qualify for a $120,000-a-year pension.

 

McNeil gets a kiss from a supporter at his election night celebration in Bridgetown, N.S., in 2017. (Andrew Vaughan/The Canadian Press)

 

MORE TOP STORIES 

Source: – CBC.ca

Source link

Continue Reading

Politics

It’s not about politics, but it should be about respect – Sarnia Observer

Published

on


WASHINGTON, DC – AUGUST 05: Committee Chairman Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) removes his face mask before the start a Senate Judiciary Committee hearing on “Oversight of the Crossfire Hurricane Investigation” on Capitol Hill on August 5, 2020 in Washington, DC. Crossfire Hurricane was an FBI counterintelligence investigation relating to contacts between Russian officials and associates of Donald Trump. (Photo by Erin Schaff-Pool/Getty Images)

I don’t often hear “Dad you got that right”, but when I do, I’m often overwhelmed with a sense of smug satisfaction.

Last week it was involving a variety of a derangement syndrome that I’ve known about for some time. It usually involves left-leaning Canadians, obsessed with something going on in the United States and making their observations known in the snarkiest manner possible. I call it the shadow side of the overly-polite Canadian cliche.

Last weekend, one of my daughters posted a photo of my granddaughter on social media. She wasn’t wearing a mask because she didn’t need to. But a troll apparently appeared out of the Great White North announcing: “Stupid American!”

My other daughter posted a photo of a doctor’s visit, and she was wearing a mask. Someone on social media responded: “One of the only intelligent Americans.”

The author of these insults was no one we cared to hear from. Before she decided to lob these barbs toward my grandchildren, we hadn’t spoken for the better part of 20 years.

Long ago, my father was at a business dinner near Toronto. One of the other guests decided to lecture dad on

American politics. Vietnam, Nixon, whatever. This guy was an expert and truly looked down on his American neighbours. For the hell of it, and since it was Election Day in Canada, my dad asked the guy who he voted for.

Stammering a bit, the man had apparently forgotten to vote. As improbable as it sounds, my dad swears it was true.

I see this fixation more than a bit. We call it Trump Derangement Syndrome. It’s where hatred of the president is so intense that one’s judgement gets completely distorted. I’ve known for a while that there is a Canadian strain. As a result I’ve opted out of communicating with a number of Canadian relatives when they won’t back off. When they start insulting the president, I ask them whether they don’t have enough problems in Ottawa to worry about Washington.

Indeed, Prime Minister Trudeau has made enough gaffes on the world stage to get the attention of many Americans.

The weird thing is that, in Southern California where I live, we don’t think about Canadian politics at all. And we don’t learn much about Canada. We know Canada has been a good ally to Americans. Many of us don’t know that Canada went to war in 1939. And many don’t realize that the initial population of Ontario and New Brunswick were Loyalists who sided with Britain in the American Revolutionary War.

Many don’t know that troops from Canada burned the White House during the War of 1812.

Many Americans don’t know that 20,000 or more Canadians joined our fight in Viet Nam, while other Canadians provided a sanctuary for American draft dodgers.

And many Americans may not realize that, immediately after the Sept. 11, 2001 attack on New York City and elsewhere in the U.S., Canadian troops joined Americans in Afghanistan.

But it works both ways. When the horrible Halifax Explosion occurred during the First World War, Boston was Johnny on the spot with help.

It’s not about politics. It’s about respect.

Americans don’t care about what you think of our politics, and most of us could care less about Canadian politics.

Greg Scharf was born in Sarnia and lives in Southern California

Let’s block ads! (Why?)



Source link

Continue Reading

Politics

How politics, personalities and price tags derailed Covid relief talks – POLITICO

Published

on


.cms-textAlign-lefttext-align:left;.cms-textAlign-centertext-align:center;.cms-textAlign-righttext-align:right;.cms-magazineStyles-smallCapsfont-variant:small-caps;

What a difference five months make in the middle of a pandemic.

In March, as the coronavirus was beginning to hammer the United States, President Donald Trump and congressional leaders from both parties were able to quickly pass a $2.2 trillion relief package providing a financial lifeline to millions of workers and tens of thousands of small businesses facing an apocalyptic economic slowdown.

There were some bitter partisan disputes inside the Senate as the bill was crafted, and Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin wore out a path trodding between the offices of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) and Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) as they put together the final deal. In the end, though, one of the most expensive pieces of legislation in history sailed through Congress without a single “no” vote.

Fast forward to August. More than 160,000 Americans are dead, unemployment has soared to levels not seen since the Great Depression, while federal payments to laid-off workers have expired, millions more face possible eviction, and coronavirus cases continue to spike nationwide. Meanwhile, Congress and the White House are mired in their ancient, all-consuming gridlock.

Two weeks of closed-door talks — with Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) and Schumer facing off against White House chief of staff Mark Meadows and Mnuchin — failed to lead to a breakthrough on a new coronavirus relief package. The two sides remained hundreds of billions of dollars apart on overall spending for the new package, and even more important, were separated by a huge ideological chasm over what role the government should play at this point in the calamity.

“It would be nice to do [a deal] with Democrats, but they’re just interested in one thing — and that’s protecting people who have not done a good job in managing cities and states,” Trump said on Friday night during a news conference at his golf club in Bedminster, N.J.

Amid the deadlock, Trump said he would issue a series of executive orders in the coming days to address the economic fallout from the pandemic. The orders are likely to divert tens of billions of dollars in congressionally approved funds to reinstitute federal unemployment payments, reimpose an eviction moratorium, continue the suspension of student loan payments and defer federal payroll tax payments. The unilateral moves could easily draw challenges in court.

Pelosi and Schumer expressed dismay at Trump’s expected executive orders, which had been telegraphed by Meadows all week.

“It doesn’t cover [the] opening of schools. It doesn’t cover testing,” Schumer complained. “It doesn’t cover dealing with rental assistance. It doesn’t cover elections. It doesn’t cover so many things. There’s a long list, I could go on and on and on.”

But the massive failure by the nation’s leaders to find a consensus only months after a major bipartisan success comes down to a number of factors, both personal and political.

The elections are only 88 days away, and both sides are gambling that they’ve got more to gain from a stalemate than a deal. Personality clashes also infused the talks, with the presence of the conservative Meadows having a huge impact on the outcome. Many Republicans in both chambers didn’t want any deal in the first place, citing the growing national debt and arguing unspent money from March’s CARES Act should be pushed out before additional funds were approved. And then there was the growing emotional and psychological fatigue with the crisis itself, spurred on by a president who wants to see the country reopen as fast as possible to help his own political prospects.

Meadows, in particular, was singled out by Democrats as a major roadblock to any deal. Democrats point out that they were able to reach earlier agreements with the White House when Mnuchin was the point man and say Meadows’ presence in the talks has proven an unwelcome addition.

“[Meadows’] positions are quite hardened and noncompromising, more so than Mnuchin,” Schumer said of the co-founder of the hard-line House Freedom Caucus. Democrats assert privately that Meadows was brought in “to blow up a deal,” while Mnuchin is there “to get something done.”

Meadows, however, wasn’t having any of it. The former North Carolina lawmaker — who became Trump’s fourth chief of staff in late March — said he and Mnuchin offered “many concessions” during the seemingly interminable round of face-to-face discussions, only to run into unreasonable Democratic resistance.

“I think it’s interesting just to hear the comments from Sen. Schumer and Speaker Pelosi saying that they want a deal, when behind closed doors their actions do not indicate the same thing,” he countered.

Pelosi, meanwhile, lashed out at McConnell for beginning negotiations only in July. Pelosi noted that the House passed the $3 trillion HEROES Act in May. McConnell, though, scoffed at that legislation as nothing more than a Democratic wish list, and he repeatedly said the Senate would come up with its own plan.

“Mitch McConnell said pause, he pushed the pause button,” Pelosi said. “If we had acted in a closer time then so many lives and livelihoods would have been saved.”

In an interview with POLITICO this week, McConnell defended his decision to wait, arguing that a significant amount of the money from CARES had yet to be spent.

And McConnell also acknowledged that March’s political environment can’t be replicated now.

“It’s a lot harder now than it was four months ago,” McConnell said. “We’re that much closer to the election.”

At the end, though, the biggest problem was the price tag of a new deal.

Republican lawmakers and the White House wanted to keep the cost of what was likely to be the year’s last round of coronavirus relief legislation to $1 trillion. Pelosi and Schumer pushed a Democratic alternative that would cost well over $3 trillion, although they told reporters on Friday that the pair offered to cut a trillion dollars off that total in order to reach a deal. Schumer said he was dismayed when Mnuchin and Meadows didn’t leap at his proposal.

“And you should have seen their faces,” Schumer exclaimed.

With the election three months away, the political stakes of the impasse are high and it’s not yet clear which party will suffer most from the botched negotiations.

Trump is sinking in the polls and the GOP-controlled Senate is in play. Unlike when he was pushing the March CARES Act, McConnell now leads a deeply divided caucus, including incumbents facing reelection who want something to campaign on and fiscal hawks who want to see federal spending drastically cut back. If the economic misery increases, the party in power is likeliest to be blamed.

But Democrats are taking a risk too in rejecting any type of short-term agreement and could face some heat for the lapsed unemployment benefits in particular if they come to be seen as the roadblock.

The federal payments that expired at the end of July were $600 per week. The most recent White House offer was $400-per-week for five months, or state agencies would be allowed to determine a payment of up to 70 percent of a worker’s lost income with a $600 weekly cap. Pelosi and Schumer rejected the offer, saying they wanted $600 per week into 2021.

Democrats are also seeking $915 billion in financial aid for state and local governments over two years, a staggering amount of money that the White House and Senate Republicans said was unreasonable. Republicans offered $150 billion for one year. That huge gap was a major area of disagreement.

There were other important policy disputes — election security funding, money to reopen schools and aid to renters and homeowners, among others.

“I said come back when you’re ready to give a higher number,” Pelosi said.

Perhaps lost in the whole partisan dispute, however, was a sense of the scale of government aid being talked about here. The late Sen. Everett Dirksen (R-Ill.) was famous for his line, “A billion here, a billion there, pretty soon, you’re talking real money.” That’s a mere pittance in the current crisis.

“We come down a trillion from our top number which was $3.4 [trillion.] They go up a trillion, from their top number which was $1 [trillion], and that way, we could begin to meet in the middle, Schumer said after the negotiations had collapsed. “Unfortunately, they rejected it. They said they couldn’t go much above their existing $1 trillion, and that was disappointing.”

Let’s block ads! (Why?)



Source link

Continue Reading

Trending