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How coronavirus is remaking democratic politics – Financial Times

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The state is back. Long live globalisation. Coronavirus is remaking democratic politics. The paths out of the crisis will present liberal democracies with a choice between authoritarian nationalism and an open global order founded on co-operation between states.

Watching nations seal their borders and governments assume draconian powers to combat Covid-19, the temptation is to expect the worse. Compare the shambling performances of US president Donald Trump and the informed statesmanship of New York governor Andrew Cuomo, and you can see reasons for optimism. Competence shines through at moments of crisis.

For politicians, everything but coronavirus is now trivial. Right or left, whatever their election platforms, pledges or governing programmes, the present generation of political leaders will be judged on their handling of the pandemic. One or two may slip through, but emergencies on this scale do not leave many hiding places for bluffers and hucksters.

The return of government to centre stage marks the close of an era in which power and responsibility migrated from states to markets. The response to the pandemic has seen democratic leaders assume powers unprecedented outside wartime. The pandemic was a consequence neither of globalisation or capitalism. But it has exposed the limitations of unfettered markets — witness the competitive bidding for scarce resources in the US healthcare system.

The crisis has made a bonfire of other orthodoxies. To watch governments throw trillions of dollars into the fight to prevent economic collapse is to appreciate just how absurd was the preoccupation of recent decades with balanced budgets, public deficits and debt-to-GDP ratios. Of course, governments must set sustainable limits for spending and borrowing, but the era of fiscal fundamentalism has passed.

The eventual bill for the defeat of coronavirus will be colossal. At some point the debts will have to be repaid. With luck, however, the context will be a rational discussion and rebalancing of the respective responsibilities of government, private business and citizens.

The financial crash of 2008 proved a lost opportunity for change. The result was rising public discontent and the spread of angry populisms of right and left. Coronavirus leaves no room for a second hesitation. Voters across most advanced democracies are paying a price in weak healthcare systems for ideological devotion to small-state, low-tax economics. Liberal markets have a long-term future only if they rest on political consent.

The easy conclusion is that the pandemic will prove to be a gift to the populists and a prelude to a lurch towards authoritarian nationalism. The return of the state can be held up as proof that the populists were right all along about global elites. Closed borders are the only safeguard against the outside world. The powers that states have now assumed to fight the pandemic fit the public’s preference for security over freedom.

The disinformation campaigns run by Vladimir Putin’s regime in Moscow promote just such a message. The pandemic is cast as the work of decadent western capitalism — a crisis born of untrammelled globalism and enfeebled western democracy. The relative success of authoritarian regimes in beating the outbreak speaks to their innate superiority over the west’s liberal democracies.

The narrative has a superficial attraction. The draconian shutdowns ordered by China’s president Xi Jinping undoubtedly helped to bring the initial outbreak under control. Beijing is now relaxing the restrictions. The snag is that the same political absolutism provided the incentive for Chinese officials to conceal the earliest cases. As to Russia’s claims of its own success, the jury is still out. And the Republic of Korea has shown how a determined, efficient democracy can suppress the virus.

To the extent that any good can be said to flow from such a deadly catastrophe, it is in the pandemic’s capacity to restore the worth of competence and honesty in democratic politics. Mr Trump’s delusional bluster about how he is defeating the “Chinese” virus is defied daily by the escalation in new cases. It marks out a widening divide between the White House and the state and local authorities — Republican and Democratic alike — that are confronting the pandemic. Polls show Americans giving the president the benefit of the doubt, for now. But the reckoning cannot be delayed indefinitely.

In Europe, political leaders have regained the attention, and where they have shown grip, the confidence of electorates. Straight-talking has worked. Italian prime minister Guiseppe Conte, French president Emmanuel Macron and German chancellor Angela Merkel have all won strong public support for harsh measures to suppress the pandemic.

There is nothing inevitable about the restoration of faith in good government. The failure of the European Union to show any real measure of solidarity in supporting Italy’s desperate fight against the virus shows how easy it is even for those who preach internationalism to retreat behind national borders. The compelling logic of enhanced global co-operation is no guarantee of action. And, yes, the pandemic will impose a heavy cost in terms of lost economic output and disrupted trade.

That said, coronavirus promises to open a door to the rehabilitation of government, to a more equitable political and economic settlement, to the restoration of faith in democratic politics and to renewed global co-operation. The question is whether the politicians choose to walk through it.

philip.stephens@ft.com

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New Brunswick election profile: Progressive Conservative Leader Blaine Higgs

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FREDERICTON – A look at Blaine Higgs, leader of the Progressive Conservative Party of New Brunswick.

Born: March 1, 1954.

Early years: The son of a customs officer, he grew up in Forest City, N.B., near the Canada-U.S. border.

Education: Graduated from the University of New Brunswick with a degree in mechanical engineering in 1977.

Family: Married his high-school sweetheart, Marcia, and settled in Saint John, N.B., where they had four daughters: Lindsey, Laura, Sarah and Rachel.

Before politics: Hired by Irving Oil a week after he graduated from university and was eventually promoted to director of distribution. Worked for 33 years at the company.

Politics: Elected to the legislature in 2010 and later served as finance minister under former Progressive Conservative Premier David Alward. Elected Tory leader in 2016 and has been premier since 2018.

Quote: “I’ve always felt parents should play the main role in raising children. No one is denying gender diversity is real. But we need to figure out how to manage it.” — Blaine Higgs in a year-end interview in 2023, explaining changes to school policies about gender identity.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Anita Anand taking on transport portfolio after Pablo Rodriguez leaves cabinet

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GATINEAU, Que. – Treasury Board President Anita Anand will take on the additional role of transport minister this afternoon, after Pablo Rodriguez resigned from cabinet to run for the Quebec Liberal leadership.

A government source who was not authorized to speak publicly says Anand will be sworn in at a small ceremony at Rideau Hall.

Public Services and Procurement Minister Jean-Yves Duclos will become the government’s new Quebec lieutenant, but he is not expected to be at the ceremony because that is not an official role in cabinet.

Rodriguez announced this morning that he’s leaving cabinet and the federal Liberal caucus and will sit as an Independent member of Parliament until January.

That’s when the Quebec Liberal leadership race is set to officially begin.

Rodriguez says sitting as an Independent will allow him to focus on his own vision, but he plans to vote with the Liberals on a non-confidence motion next week.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

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New Brunswick Premier Blaine Higgs kicks off provincial election campaign

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FREDERICTON – New Brunswick Premier Blaine Higgs has called an election for Oct. 21, signalling the beginning of a 33-day campaign expected to focus on pocketbook issues and the government’s provocative approach to gender identity policies.

The 70-year-old Progressive Conservative leader, who is seeking a third term in office, has attracted national attention by requiring teachers to get parental consent before they can use the preferred names and pronouns of young students.

More recently, however, the former Irving Oil executive has tried to win over inflation-weary voters by promising to lower the provincial harmonized sales tax by two percentage points to 13 per cent if re-elected.

At dissolution, the Conservatives held 25 seats in the 49-seat legislature. The Liberals held 16 seats, the Greens had three and there was one Independent and four vacancies.

J.P. Lewis, a political science professor at the University of New Brunswick, said the top three issues facing New Brunswickers are affordability, health care and education.

“Across many jurisdictions, affordability is the top concern — cost of living, housing prices, things like that,” he said.

Richard Saillant, an economist and former vice-president of Université de Moncton, said the Tories’ pledge to lower the HST represents a costly promise.

“I don’t think there’s that much room for that,” he said. “I’m not entirely clear that they can do so without producing a greater deficit.” Saillant also pointed to mounting pressures to invest more in health care, education and housing, all of which are facing increasing demands from a growing population.

Higgs’s main rivals are Liberal Leader Susan Holt and Green Party Leader David Coon. Both are focusing on economic and social issues.

Holt has promised to impose a rent cap and roll out a subsidized school food program. The Liberals also want to open at least 30 community health clinics over the next four years.

Coon has said a Green government would create an “electricity support program,” which would give families earning less than $70,000 annually about $25 per month to offset “unprecedented” rate increases.

Higgs first came to power in 2018, when the Tories formed the province’s first minority government in 100 years. In 2020, he called a snap election — the first province to go to the polls after the start of the COVID-19 pandemic — and won a majority.

Since then, several well-known cabinet ministers and caucus members have stepped down after clashing with Higgs, some of them citing what they described as an authoritarian leadership style and a focus on policies that represent a hard shift to the right side of the political spectrum.

Lewis said the Progressive Conservatives are in the “midst of reinvention.”

“It appears he’s shaping the party now, really in the mould of his world views,” Lewis said. “Even though (Progressive Conservatives) have been down in the polls, I still think that they’re very competitive.”

Meanwhile, the legislature remained divided along linguistic lines. The Tories dominate in English-speaking ridings in central and southern parts of the province, while the Liberals held most French-speaking ridings in the north.

The drama within the party began in October 2022 when the province’s outspoken education minister, Dominic Cardy, resigned from cabinet, saying he could no longer tolerate the premier’s leadership style. In his resignation letter, Cardy cited controversial plans to reform French-language education. The government eventually stepped back those plans.

A series of resignations followed last year when the Higgs government announced changes to Policy 713, which now requires students under 16 who are exploring their gender identity to get their parents’ consent before teachers can use their preferred first names or pronouns — a reversal of the previous practice.

When several Tory lawmakers voted with the opposition to call for an external review of the change, Higgs dropped dissenters from his cabinet. And a bid by some party members to trigger a leadership review went nowhere.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

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