SEOUL, South Korea — For months, the red-brick church in a rundown neighborhood of Seoul, the South Korean capital, has attracted thousands of politically active conservative Christians, all united in the belief that their country is falling into a godless communist hell under the leadership of its liberal president, Moon Jae-in.
Devotees of the church, known as the Sarang Jeil Church, whose name means “love comes first,” have participated in some of the largest antigovernment protests the country has seen in years.
“If we hesitate, it will not be long before we live under the ‘great leader’ of North Korea. Do you want that?” the Rev. Jun Kwang-hoon, the church’s chief pastor, said during a large antigovernment rally in central Seoul last Saturday.
Now their political crusade is colliding with the coronavirus, as a large outbreak centered on the church spreads fast through Seoul and beyond, threatening the country’s success in fighting the pandemic.
Mr. Moon has accused his most vocal critics of spreading the infectious disease and putting the entire nation in danger — a sentiment widespread on social media. Police officers have been sent to track down Sarang Jeil congregants who have broken quarantine.
But in today’s polarized South Korean society, fraught with fake news, conspiracy theories and fear-mongering, alternative narratives have also taken hold, purporting that the congregants have become the target of a political witch hunt or even a terrorist attack from communists.
Conservative activists have accused Mr. Moon of trying to scapegoat the church to divert attention from his weak approval ratings, which have been plummeting over domestic policy blunders like soaring housing prices. Church officials even suspect health officials manipulated virus-test results to keep Mr. Moon’s die-hard critics quarantined.
In the past week, the outbreak has forced the church to shut down, and its congregants to isolate themselves at home. The infections among church members and their contacts have spiked to 676 cases, including Mr. Jun.
The outbreak pushed South Korea’s daily caseload to 288 on Thursday, the seventh straight day of triple-digit jumps, which shattered hopes that the country had managed to blunt the epidemic sooner than most nations. It marked the biggest cluster of infections in South Korea since an outbreak in the Shincheonji Church of Jesus in the central city of Daegu in February and March was tied to 5,200 patients.
Health officials have warned that the outbreak at Sarang Jeil could prove far more devastating than Shincheonji’s.
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It has erupted at the center of the Seoul metropolitan area, home to half the country’s 51 million people. Sarang Jeil’s congregation is much older and could prove weaker to the virus than that of Shincheonji.
Unlike Shincheonji’s secretive congregation, many of Sarang Jeil’s 4,000 congregants traveled from across the country to attend Mr. Jun’s sermons and political rallies in Seoul. Health officials have been racing to track them down for testing and isolating, warning of “massive nationwide transmission.”
“The number of people coming to our church has ballooned in recent months, although not all of them are registered as our members,” said Han Hwan-ho, 51, a worshiper at Sarang Jeil since 1987. “On weekends, there were so many traveling from other cities that the church quickly filled up and many had to sit outside in the alleys in plastic chairs.”
Mr. Han said people flocked to the church “out of fear that our country is falling under communist influence, and to defend our country’s alliance with the United States and our freedom of religion.”
“I am convinced that our pastor was speaking like a prophet when he said that our country was in danger of communization and that we would lose our religion when that happened,” he added.
South Korean politics have long been an ideological battleground.
Liberals have championed reconciliation with North Korea and favored a “balanced diplomacy” between the United States, South Korea’s most important military ally, and China, its biggest trading partner. Conservatives, especially older Christians, have loathed North Korea, feared China and regarded anything less than unequivocal support for the alliance with Washington as “communist.”
Conservatives lost power when South Korea impeached President Park Geun-hye, a right-wing icon, on corruption charges, replacing her with Mr. Moon, a liberal, in 2017. Mr. Moon’s Democratic Party won in a landslide in parliamentary elections in April, thanks to his government’s successful fight against the coronavirus.
Older conservatives deeply mistrust Mr. Moon, accusing him of putting South Korea under the influence of North Korea and China at the expense of its alliance with the Americans. But they feel voiceless, as the conservative political opposition remains unpopular and disarrayed in the aftermath of Ms. Park’s impeachment.
Ultra-right-wing Christian activists moved from the political margins to fill the vacuum. The star among them was the Mr. Jun, the main architect of a faith-based, conservative political activism in the country.
At his political rallies, people waving South Korean and American flags have prayed to God to unseat Mr. Moon and condemn North Korea’s leader, Kim Jong-un, to hell. They have shouted “Hallelujah” and spoken in tongues.
“They believe that Christianity cannot share the same house with communism,” said Hwang Kyong-gu, a popular YouTuber who leads a conservative activist group named the Korea Patriotism Patrol Team. “They see their campaign against Moon Jae-in as an ideological conflict: a free world versus communism.”
South Korean Protestant churches have deep ties with the United States. American missionaries brought the religion to Korea.
Many of the megachurches in South Korea were founded by Protestants who fled communist persecution in North Korea before the 1950-53 Korean War and benefited from postwar aid from American churches. To older Christian conservatives who remember the carnage of the war and the poverty that followed, religious faith remains synonymous with anti-communism and loyalty to the alliance with the United States, which defended South Korea during the war.
The Coronavirus Outbreak ›
Frequently Asked Questions
Updated August 17, 2020
Why does standing six feet away from others help?
- The coronavirus spreads primarily through droplets from your mouth and nose, especially when you cough or sneeze. The C.D.C., one of the organizations using that measure, bases its recommendation of six feet on the idea that most large droplets that people expel when they cough or sneeze will fall to the ground within six feet. But six feet has never been a magic number that guarantees complete protection. Sneezes, for instance, can launch droplets a lot farther than six feet, according to a recent study. It’s a rule of thumb: You should be safest standing six feet apart outside, especially when it’s windy. But keep a mask on at all times, even when you think you’re far enough apart.
I have antibodies. Am I now immune?
- As of right now, that seems likely, for at least several months. There have been frightening accounts of people suffering what seems to be a second bout of Covid-19. But experts say these patients may have a drawn-out course of infection, with the virus taking a slow toll weeks to months after initial exposure. People infected with the coronavirus typically produce immune molecules called antibodies, which are protective proteins made in response to an infection. These antibodies may last in the body only two to three months, which may seem worrisome, but that’s perfectly normal after an acute infection subsides, said Dr. Michael Mina, an immunologist at Harvard University. It may be possible to get the coronavirus again, but it’s highly unlikely that it would be possible in a short window of time from initial infection or make people sicker the second time.
I’m a small-business owner. Can I get relief?
- The stimulus bills enacted in March offer help for the millions of American small businesses. Those eligible for aid are businesses and nonprofit organizations with fewer than 500 workers, including sole proprietorships, independent contractors and freelancers. Some larger companies in some industries are also eligible. The help being offered, which is being managed by the Small Business Administration, includes the Paycheck Protection Program and the Economic Injury Disaster Loan program. But lots of folks have not yet seen payouts. Even those who have received help are confused: The rules are draconian, and some are stuck sitting on money they don’t know how to use. Many small-business owners are getting less than they expected or not hearing anything at all.
What are my rights if I am worried about going back to work?
- Employers have to provide a safe workplace with policies that protect everyone equally. And if one of your co-workers tests positive for the coronavirus, the C.D.C. has said that employers should tell their employees — without giving you the sick employee’s name — that they may have been exposed to the virus.
What is school going to look like in September?
- It is unlikely that many schools will return to a normal schedule this fall, requiring the grind of online learning, makeshift child care and stunted workdays to continue. California’s two largest public school districts — Los Angeles and San Diego — said on July 13, that instruction will be remote-only in the fall, citing concerns that surging coronavirus infections in their areas pose too dire a risk for students and teachers. Together, the two districts enroll some 825,000 students. They are the largest in the country so far to abandon plans for even a partial physical return to classrooms when they reopen in August. For other districts, the solution won’t be an all-or-nothing approach. Many systems, including the nation’s largest, New York City, are devising hybrid plans that involve spending some days in classrooms and other days online. There’s no national policy on this yet, so check with your municipal school system regularly to see what is happening in your community.
Mr. Jun has roused these old sentiments with sermons replete with expletives against Mr. Moon. He calls Mr. Moon a “chief North Korean spy” and urges his followers to become “martyrs” in a war to drag him and other “North Korea followers” out of the presidential Blue House.
“He speaks in a language his audience can understand and like to hear,” said Hwang Gui-hag, the editor in chief of the Seoul-based Law Times, which specializes in church news. “He scratches them where it itches the most.”
Health officials are now investigating the source of the virus in the Sarang Jeil congregation. The first case was reported on Aug. 12.
Amid a surge in infections, the government ordered congregants to stay home last week. But on Saturday, at least 10 church members, including Mr. Jun, attended the anti-Moon rally in Seoul, health officials said.
Mr. Moon called their behavior “an unpardonable act against the safety of the people,” accusing them of impeding the government’s efforts to fight the disease. Sarang Jeil officials said they had enforced preventive measures against Covid-19 during their church gatherings, and were urging all members to cooperate with the government.
A deep antigovernment sentiment among church members could impede the health authorities’ efforts. Thousands of police officers were mobilized to track down more than 500 church members who remained unreachable although they needed testing.
This week, in the southern city of Pohang, a woman tested positive after attending Mr. Jun’s church gatherings. Before officials could take her into quarantine, she had run away with her Bible after biting her husband, who tried to stop her. She was later detained by police officers wearing full-body protective gear. Another participant in the pastor’s rally fled a government-run quarantine center and was hanging out in cafes in Seoul when the police nabbed him.
Kim Kyong-jae, a conservative activist who helped organize the Saturday protest, said Mr. Moon’s government was “witch-hunting” the church and ruling with “quarantine dictatorship.”
Mr. Han and the Rev. Lee Eun-jae, an aide to Mr. Jun, said that many church members suspect the government manipulated the test results to keep them quarantined, and said that some avoided free government-provided tests and instead got themselves diagnosed in private clinics. Health officials called such fears groundless.
Before he himself was hospitalized, Mr. Jun claimed that the outbreak at his church was a result of a “terrorist attack with the virus from Wuhan, China.”
“An invisible hand from the outside was involved,” he later said in an interview with a Christian website. “Broadly speaking, it could be an act perpetrated by North Korea.”
Kuwait’s New Emir Takes Over an Economy Paralyzed by Politics
(Bloomberg) — Kuwait’s new leader, Sheikh Nawaf Al-Ahmed Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, 83, will take the reins of one of the world’s wealthiest countries as it faces a financial crisis made worse by internal political wrangling.
Sheikh Nawaf succeeds his half brother, Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmed Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, who died on Tuesday at the age of 91. Sheikh Nawaf, the crown prince since 2006, had been serving as acting head of state since July, when the emir was flown to the U.S. for medical treatment.
The new leader comes to power at a time when Kuwait is facing the highest budget deficit in its history, brought on by the drop in oil prices and the coronavirus pandemic. A potential solution to its brewing liquidity crisis has been blocked by parliamentary opposition to a law that would allow the government to borrow, as other Gulf nations have done in response to the dual crisis.
While Kuwait’s oil and foreign policy is unlikely to change, its domestic political landscape could be redrawn under the new leadership, particularly if Sheikh Nawaf makes a bid for national reconciliation. Such an initiative could help unblock Kuwait’s gridlocked politics and restore some balance among the different branches of the ruling family.
Kuwait is the only country in the Gulf where nationals have a genuine say in how they’re governed, but the resulting political paralysis means it’s been left behind by less democratic neighbors like the United Arabic Emirates. The emir appoints the prime minister and political parties are banned, so there’s no coherent opposition. The elected parliament is often filled with populist independents who butt heads with governments they accuse of being too soft on corruption.
Sheikh Nawaf has split from his predecessor in meeting with two of Kuwait’s veteran opposition politicians, Ahmed Khateeb and Ahmed Al-Saadoun, amid calls to allow the return of self-exiled opposition leaders. The new leader also recently received proposals for political and economic reforms from two opposition politicians. The meetings came ahead of crucial parliamentary elections later this year.
The opposition has boycotted parliamentary polls since December 2012, when the electoral law was amended at the order of the former emir. The boycott followed one of the biggest opposition rallies in the nation’s history, as critics called for the government to share more power with elected politicians.
The opposition claimed at the time that the changes to voting rules were aimed at reducing its chances of winning and made it easier for candidates to buy votes. The government said the amendments were intended to ensure stability and boost democracy.
According to the constitution, the crown prince ascends to power upon an emir’s death. That would leave Sheikh Nawaf with the duty of appointing a new crown prince, which he has one year to do. The new emir needs the endorsement of parliament for his crown prince nominee. In theory, parliament could reject the emir’s choice, forcing him to submit three fresh nominees for the house to vote on.
Sheikh Nawaf, born in Kuwait on June 25, 1937, is the sixth son of Kuwait’s tenth ruler, Sheikh Ahmed Al-Jaber Al-Mubarak Al-Sabah. He was first appointed to the cabinet in 1978 as interior minister, and thereafter held the defense and social affairs portfolios. Sheikh Nawaf has also served as deputy chief of the national guard. He was educated in Kuwait and is married with four sons and one daughter.
Source: – BNN
16 MLAs retiring from BC politics add up to $20M in pensions: Taxpayers Federation
As a number of provincial politicians have bowed out of running for re-election ahead of Oct. 24, a national tax reform advocacy group is highlighting the cost of political retirement– to the tune of $20 million – with taxpayers footing the bill.
“While we thank these retiring politicians for their work, taxpayers need to know the huge cost of these gold-plated pensions,” said Kris Sims, B.C. director of the Canadian Taxpayers Federation.
“These pensions simply aren’t affordable for taxpayers. MLAs need to reform their pension plan.”
According to the government, MLA pensions are calculated by taking the highest earning years of the retiring MLAs and factoring in their years of work. The annual pension payments are capped at 70 per cent of the highest earning years.
That means that for every $1 the politicians contribute to their own pension plans, taxpayers pay $4, Sims said.
“It’s time to end these rich pension schemes,” said Sims, adding that MLAs not seeking re-election are allowed to collect the equivalent of their salaries for up to 15 months while they look for new jobs, and they get up to $9,000 if they need skills training.
The federation calculated the expected pensions for 16 retiring MLAs, and determined that former house speaker and BC Liberal MLA Linda Reid is expected to collect the highest per-year amount, roughly $107,000 annually when she turns 65 years old.
Reid, who represented the Richmond South Centre since 1991, is the longest-serving woman in B.C.’s government history.
Other estimated pension totals for MLAs include:
- Tracy Redies, B.C. Liberal MLA – ineligible due to less than six years in office.
- Claire Trevena, NDP cabinet minister – estimated $80,000 per year, $1.9 million lifetime.
- Shane Simpson, NDP cabinet minister – estimated $80,000 per year, $1.9 million lifetime.
- Scott Fraser, NDP cabinet minister – estimated $80,000 per year, $1.9 million lifetime.
- Carole James, NDP cabinet minister – estimated $82,000 per year, $2 million lifetime.
- Michelle Mungall, NDP cabinet minister – estimated $58,000 per year, $1.4 million lifetime.
- Judy Darcy, NDP cabinet minister – estimated $37,000 per year, $647,000 lifetime.
- Doug Donaldson, NDP cabinet minister – estimated $58,000 per year, $1.4 million lifetime.
- Rich Coleman, former B.C. Liberal cabinet minister – estimated $109,000 per year, $2.6 million lifetime.
- John Yap, former B.C. Liberal cabinet minister – estimated $65,000 per year, $1.5 million lifetime
- Darryl Plecas, Independent Speaker – estimated $38,000 per year, $714,000 lifetime.
- Andrew Weaver, former Green Party Leader – estimated $31,000 per year, $764,000 lifetime.
- Donna Barnett, B.C. Liberal MLA – estimated $46,000 per year, $400,000 lifetime.
- Linda Larson – B.C. Liberal MLA – estimated $29,000 per year, $469,000 lifetime.
- Ralph Sultan, former B.C. Liberal MLA – estimated $74,000 per year.
- Linda Reid, former B.C. Liberal Speaker – estimated $107,000 per year, $2.6 million lifetime.
Source: – Victoria News
The Only "Black Issue" In American Politics Is Opposition to Racial Inequality
We’re about a month away from the November Elections.
One of the voting blocs that could decide the presidential race this year is the African American vote. Both candidates have talked quite a bit about what a vote for them would mean for Black Americans. But both of them have mischaracterized African American political views and loyalties in recent months.
“The existence of the Black electoral monolith is evidence of a critical defect not in Black America, but in the American practice of democracy.” — Theodore Johnson, Brennan Center for Justice
That’s nothing new, writes Theodore Johnson in the New York Times. He joins Stephen Henderson on Detroit Today and says that Americans have viewed Black voters as a monolith without really taking the time to understand the diversity of political thoughts and views that exists among Black voters.
Listen: Theodore Johnson on the African American vote that could decide the 2020 election.
Theodore Johnson is a senior fellow at the Brennan Center for Justice.
Johnson writes, “An enduring unity at the ballot box is not confirmation that Black voters hold the same views on every contested issue, but rather that they hold the same view on the one most consequential issue: racial equality. The existence of the Black electoral monolith is evidence of a critical defect not in Black America, but in the American practice of democracy. That defect is the space our two-party system makes for racial intolerance and the appetite our electoral politics has for the exploitation of racial polarization — to which the electoral solidarity of Black voters is an immune response.”
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