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Mendicino willing to talk about changing CSIS’s legal authority after Emergencies Act hearings

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Public Safety Minister Marco Mendicino says he’s open to discussing changes to the Canadian Security Intelligence Service’s legal authority after the spy agency’s chief signalled during the Emergencies Act inquiry that his organization needs “critical” reform.

CSIS’s key mandate is to investigate activities suspected of constituting threats to the security of the country, and to report to the Government of Canada. But the definition in law of such threats under the Emergencies Act turned out to be a key point of contention during the inquiry.

During the Public Order Emergency Commission inquiry, CSIS director David Vigneault and deputy director of operations Michelle Tessier sat for an in-camera interview with lawyers representing the inquiry. In the course of that exchange, they were asked about potential reforms of the intelligence service.

According to a summary of that conversation, Vigneault “explained that one critical area for reform was modernization of the definition of a threat to the security of Canada.”

Under CSIS’s enabling law, such threats are defined as espionage or sabotage, foreign influence activities detrimental to Canada’s interest, serious violence against persons or property “for the purpose of achieving a political, religious or ideological objective” in Canada or a foreign state, and activities intended to overthrow a government by violence.

Tessier told the commission that definition is outdated.

CSIS director David Vigneault testifies as deputy director Michelle Tessier looks on during a Public Order Emergency Commission hearing on Monday, Nov. 21, 2022 in Ottawa. (Adrian Wyld/The Canadian Press)

“In today’s environment, we really need to be looking at the definition of threats to the security of Canada. It’s more threats to Canada’s national interests,” says the summary of that joint interview.

The summary says Tessier called for a change to the definition of a threat to national security “to match the expanding expectations from the government for more information from the intelligence service, for example relating to economic security, research security and pandemic and health intelligence, because the definition in terms of threat currently can be quite narrow.”

In an interview with CBC News, Mendicino said the federal government continues to assess CSIS’s “authorities” to determine whether it needs additional tools to respond to evolving threats.

“That is something that I think we’re all going to continue to reflect on and be laser-like focused on — understanding how ideological or politically extreme ideology can motivate individuals to take up the cause and become potentially violent,” he said.

“How that then relates to revisiting certain laws and statutory authorities is going to be the subject of an ongoing conversation.”

Mandate should be ‘narrow, precise and clear’: CCLA

Wesley Wark, a senior fellow with the Centre for International Governance Innovation, said that conversation is “absolutely necessary.”

“I just don’t think we can live with a 1984 model for this,” he said, referring to the year the CSIS Act was written.

“The Cold War has gone, we’re in a very different geopolitical environment. I think the public discussion around threats posed by intelligence agencies has probably matured and broadened a bit to a greater understanding.”

Wark pointed to the security concerns that emerged during the pandemic and rising fears about economic security — ones that lawmakers in the 1980s couldn’t have predicted.

“CSIS is increasingly being asked to play a major role in providing security advice to the private sector and academia about potential threats to research, potential threats to the control of data and intellectual property — all key economic security issues, again. And there’s nothing in the current CSIS Act that actually allows them to do that,” he said.

But Brenda McPhail, director of the Canadian Civil Liberties Association’s privacy, technology and surveillance program, said she sees any expansion of the legal definition of a “threat to national security” as a power grab.

“If everything is national security, then nothing is off the table,” she said.

“Our national security bodies, reasonably, have extraordinary powers, to do the difficult and important job that they do. For a body with extraordinary powers, it’s important that their mandate be narrow, precise and clear.”

The question of whether section two of the CSIS Act — which defines threats to national security — is broad enough to capture modern threats was a major source of debate during the public hearings phase of the Emergencies Act inquiry.

The inquiry is looking at whether the federal government was justified in invoking emergency powers to combat protests against COVID-19 measures that gridlocked Ottawa for nearly a month.

In an interview with Public Order Emergency Commission lawyers last fall, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau suggested CSIS faced challenges during the convoy protests.

“He noted that CSIS does not necessarily have the right tools, mandate or even mindset to respond to the threat Canada faced at that moment,” says a summary of that interview, released as part of the commission inquiry.

Policy in a time of panic

McPhail said security agencies have in the past used public events to acquire new powers.

“Our national security landscape changed immensely after 9/11 and many of the actions that were put in place at that time were things that security agencies had been advocating to have the power to do for some time. And no one thought it was necessary until there was a really heart-wrenching crisis on North American soil,” she said.

“Times of fear, when we’ve just been through a crisis that has been difficult, are usually not good times to make really significant policy changes.”

Dennis Molinaro, a former security analyst turned professor at Ontario Tech University, sees it differently.

He argues CSIS needs a clearer mandate to hone its investigative powers.

“[You can] leave it up to them to be creative in terms of how they can investigate something, and that has the potential to either fall into the category of risk aversion — because nobody wants to overstep — or overstepping, and we get into abuses,” said Molinaro, whose research focuses on counter-intelligence and foreign interference.

“You don’t want to have to chase down rabbit holes to … make something fit when it doesn’t really fit the mandate, even though you believe it should be something that’s investigated. So more often than not, you’re going to have, unfortunately … things are not going to get looked at.”

Public Safety Minister Marco Mendicino leaves a caucus meeting on Parliament Hill in Ottawa on Wednesday, Nov. 30, 2022. (Sean Kilpatrick/The Canadian Press)

Wark said he doesn’t think serious talk of modernizing the act will happen until after Paul Rouleau, head of the Public Order Emergency Commission, tables his final report in February. Much would depend on whether the Liberal minority government can secure NDP support for any legislative changes, he added.

“I think there’s a long march towards any change,” he said.

Molinaro said recent high-profile stories in the media about intelligence and foreign interference — including claims that China meddled in the last federal election — have sparked Canadians’ interest in national security issues in a way he hasn’t seen before.

“I think I am a little bit more optimistic now than I have been in the past. Because I think a lot of Canadians are seeing why foreign policy is important,” he said.

“And they’re seeing how foreign policy relates to domestic policy, especially security policy.”

McPhail said she doesn’t think Canadians “are going to roll over and play dead” in response to any push to change CSIS’s mandate.

“What we’re really talking about is changing the degree to which our national security spy agency can intervene or interfere in the lives of Canadians,” she said. “And that’s not the kind of decision that should be taken lightly.”

Mendicino said he hopes Rouleau’s final recommendations touch on CSIS’s concerns.

“He believes he’s got the evidence that he needs to make some conclusions about that,” said the minister.

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Technology upgrades mean speedier results expected for B.C. provincial election

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British Columbians could find out who wins the provincial election on Oct. 19 in about the same time it took to start counting ballots in previous votes.

Andrew Watson, a spokesman for Elections BC, says new electronic vote tabulators mean officials hope to have half of the preliminary results for election night reported within about 30 minutes, and to be substantially complete within an hour of polls closing.

Watson says in previous general elections — where votes have been counted manually — they didn’t start the tallies until about 45 minutes after polls closed.

This will B.C.’s first general election using electronic tabulators after the system was tested in byelections in 2022 and 2023, and Watson says the changes will make the process both faster and more accessible.

Voters still mark their candidate on a paper ballot that will then be fed into the electronic counter, while networked laptops will be used to look up peoples’ names and cross them off the voters list.

One voting location in each riding will also offer various accessible voting methods for the first time, where residents will be able to listen to an audio recording of the candidates and make their selection using either large paddles or by blowing into or sucking on a straw.

The province’s three main party leaders are campaigning across B.C. today with NDP Leader David Eby in Chilliwack promising to double apprenticeships for skilled trades, Conservative Leader John Rustad in Prince George talking power generation, and Greens Leader Sonia Furstenau holding an announcement Thursday about mental health.

It comes as a health-care advocacy group wants to know where British Columbia politicians stand on six key issues ahead of an election it says will decide the future of public health in the province.

The BC Health Coalition wants improved care for seniors, universal access to essential medicine, better access to primary care, reduced surgery wait times, and sustainable working conditions for health-care workers.

It also wants pledges to protect funding for public health care, asking candidates to phase out contracts to profit-driven corporate providers that it says are draining funds from public services.

Ayendri Riddell, the coalition’s director of policy and campaigns, said in a statement that British Columbians need to know if parties will commit to solutions “beyond the political slogans” in campaigning for the Oct. 19 election.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 26, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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How Many Votes Are Needed for a Vote of No Confidence in Canada?

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In Canadian parliamentary democracy, a vote of no confidence (also known as a confidence motion) is a crucial mechanism that can force a sitting government to resign or call an election. It is typically initiated when the opposition, or even members of the ruling party, believe that the government has lost the support of the majority in the House of Commons.

What Is a Vote of No Confidence?

A vote of no confidence is essentially a test of whether the government, led by the prime minister, still commands the support of the majority of Members of Parliament (MPs) in the House of Commons. If the government loses such a vote, it is either required to resign or request the dissolution of Parliament, leading to a general election.

This process upholds one of the fundamental principles of Canadian democracy: the government must maintain the confidence of the elected House of Commons to govern. This rule ensures accountability and provides a check on the government’s power.

How Many Votes Are Needed for a No Confidence Motion?

In the Canadian House of Commons, there are 338 seats. To pass a vote of no confidence, a simple majority of MPs must vote in favor of the motion. This means that at least 170 MPs must vote in support of the motion to cause the government to lose confidence.

If the government holds a minority of seats, it is more vulnerable to such a vote. In this case, the opposition parties could band together to reach the 170 votes required for the no-confidence motion to succeed. In a majority government, the ruling party has more than half the seats, making it more difficult for a vote of no confidence to pass, unless there is significant dissent within the ruling party itself.

Types of Confidence Votes

  1. Explicit Confidence Motions: These are motions specifically introduced to test whether the government still holds the confidence of the House. For example, the opposition might move a motion stating, “That this House has no confidence in the government.”
  2. Implicit Confidence Motions: Some votes are automatically considered confidence motions, even if they are not explicitly labeled as such. The most common example is the approval of the federal budget. If a government loses a vote on its budget, it is seen as losing the confidence of the House.
  3. Key Legislation: Occasionally, the government may declare certain pieces of legislation as confidence matters. This could be done to ensure the support of the ruling party and its allies, as a loss on such a bill would mean the collapse of the government.

What Happens If the Government Loses a Confidence Vote?

If a government loses a confidence vote in the House of Commons, two outcomes are possible:

  1. Resignation and New Government Formation: The prime minister may resign, and the governor general can invite another leader, typically the leader of the opposition, to try to form a new government that can command the confidence of the House.
  2. Dissolution of Parliament and General Election: The prime minister can request that the governor general dissolve Parliament, triggering a general election. This gives voters the opportunity to elect a new Parliament and government.

Historical Context of Confidence Votes in Canada

Canada has seen several instances of votes of no confidence, particularly during minority government situations. For example, in 2011, the government of Prime Minister Stephen Harper lost a vote of confidence over contempt of Parliament, which led to the dissolution of Parliament and the federal election.

Historically, most no-confidence votes are associated with budgetary issues or key pieces of legislation. They can be rare, especially in majority governments, as the ruling party usually has enough support to avoid defeat in the House of Commons.

To pass a vote of no confidence in Canada, at least 170 MPs out of 338 must vote in favor of the motion. This vote can lead to the government’s resignation or a general election, making it a powerful tool in ensuring that the government remains accountable to the elected representatives of the people. In the context of Canadian democracy, the vote of no confidence is a key safeguard of parliamentary oversight and political responsibility.

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Feds eyeing new ways to publicly flag possible foreign interference during elections

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OTTAWA – A senior federal official says the government is mulling new ways to inform the public about possible foreign interference developments during an election campaign.

Under the current system, a panel of five top bureaucrats would issue a public warning if they believed an incident — or an accumulation of incidents — threatened Canada’s ability to have a free and fair election.

There was no such announcement concerning the 2019 or 2021 general elections.

Allen Sutherland, an assistant secretary to the federal cabinet, told a commission of inquiry today that officials are looking at how citizens might be told about developments that don’t quite reach the current threshold.

He said that would help inform people of things they ought to know more about, even if the incidents don’t rise to the level of threatening the overall integrity of an election.

Allegations of foreign interference in the last two general elections prompted calls for the public inquiry that is now underway.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 26, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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