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Nobody Is Buying the Fanciest LA Real Estate

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ILLUSTRATION BY JORGE ARÉVALO.

Sometime last April, a steady stream of golf carts began carrying real estate brokers and potential buyers, social media influencers and those who accompany them, and nosy neighbors just in it for the mental math up the endless driveway to the storied home at the base of a Hollywood hill. The house, 11,000 square feet on more than an acre, is objectively a stunner, a piece of Los Angeles design history that keeps the town from descending into the land of modern white-box bachelor pads that Selling Sunset would have you believe it is. Built in the 1920s, it’s all original painted wood ceilings, has a screening room modeled after Grauman’s Egyptian and Chinese Theatres, tiles and floors flown in from Italian and French villas, a koi pond, and a loggia bar inspired by the one at Musso & Frank. When the latest owner, a television writer, was ready to give it up, the real estate agent sprinkled fairy dust: The home was given a “name” with which to market it, its very own website, and a $15.5 million price tag. They parked a vintage Mercedes out front. A jazz band greeted the golf cart passengers. Champagne was passed.

In another market moment, like the previous one, the house would have flown. This past spring Los Angeles was coming off the hottest hot streak for the high-end market after a surge spurred by unprecedentedly low interest rates and a nesting effect kicked off during the pandemic. But this special house, listed on the last day of March 2023, landed right in the eye of a perfect storm: a 4 percent mansion tax on homes sold above $5 million and 5.5 percent on those sold for more than $10 million, freshly raised interest rates, and home insurers fleeing the state amid wildfire risks. And then, of course, just more than a month after the mansion tax took footing, around 11,000 writers went on strike for the first time in nearly two decades, and in short order, so did 160,000 unionized actors. It’s not that even a small fraction of those on strike are the ones who might be in the market for a home north of $5 million, but the strike touches all of the managers and agents and lawyers whose years depend on how much their clients are bringing in, to say nothing of the studio executives. Or the restaurant owners and designers and money managers, who feel it too.

“There is real, serious uncertainty all around, and these issues are major, major, major,” says Jenna Cooper, a real estate agent with Compass whose clients are writers, actors, talent agents, and creatives of all sorts (myself included), and who is one of the few agents with actual exquisite taste. “The strike is really a problem. The mansion tax is a real issue. The insurance situation is chaos. Add that to the fact that it’s all culminating in summer, which is a deader than dead time to sell in Los Angeles. No one who doesn’t have to sell right now is trying to sell right now.”

As Caroline Wolf, who works on Cooper’s team, puts it, the only people who are selling are “the needs-to-have, not the wants-to-have.” If you are getting a divorce or having a baby, if someone’s died or you’ve lost your job or decided to quit the town entirely—which, in the midst of a dominant industry’s total meltdown and existential crisis, wouldn’t be crazy—then you may be moving. “Seller motivation seems like a real key factor right now. If they don’t get a certain number, then it really doesn’t make sense for them to list their houses unless they really, really need the money.”

In the run-up to the November 2022 vote, politicians stated that the mansion tax would generate an estimated $900 million per year to help fund homelessness prevention, providing several thousand new housing units and annual rental assistance. It passed with 57.7 percent approval.

In the time between the vote and the measure taking effect, the high-end market took flight. Millions of dollars were sliced off asking prices within days. Some brokers offered sellers sports cars and reduced their commissions to virtually nothing. Buyers waived inspections entirely. Cooper and her team got an escrow done in one day, she says. Nearly 130 homes and condominiums over $5 million were sold in March, according to data from the Multiple Listing Service.

The frenetic pace stopped on a dime by April 1. Between then and June 1, only three homes in LA sold above the $5 million threshold. Meanwhile, an alliance of anti-tax and real estate groups are challenging the new tax in court as unconstitutional, and the city revised its projections down to $150 million in new revenue. Wolf explains that people buying a home in the $4 million range, even though the number is below the tax threshold, are hesitant to buy, because if the measure stays in place and they want to resell their home for a profit, they’ll have a harder time making a return.

The market only turned trickier by the end of May due to an insurance issue that dealt a blow to anyone looking for a mortgage at any level of the market. State Farm announced that it was no longer accepting new applications for home insurance in California, as a result of what it called a “challenging reinsurance market” with all of the wildfires and high construction costs hitting the state over the last years. Allstate soon followed suit. The announcements came after Allstate had asked for the ability to raise home insurance rates by 40 percent and State Farm had asked for a 28 percent increase—which would fly in the face of the state’s consumer-friendly policies that have held rates low for decades.

Having two of the state’s largest property insurers bow out means that for anyone buying a new home, premiums skyrocketed immediately. Securing home insurance is required by most lenders to get a mortgage approved, so anyone not buying with cash was now scrounging for affordable insurance. Cooper and Wolf recently closed a Los Feliz home on which the buyers had to go to 18 different insurers to get coverage and ultimately had to pay 11 times what the previous owner was paying to insure the same property. Another client had his mom comb through military documents from the 1940s to prove that his father was in the Army so that they could get a USAA insurance policy, which typically offers a lower rate.

Harvey Rosenfield, the author of a consumer-protection law in California that has saved consumers tens of billions of dollars since it was passed in the ’80s, says that insurance companies might rightfully need to raise rates as a result of extreme weather and disasters, but that “what’s happening now is they’ve seized on climate change as an excuse to get rid of restraints on their greed, using their economic might to basically blackmail the insurance commissioner and the legislature into deregulating them.” He adds that the insurance commissioner, which is an elected position, has the right to name this an emergency and use his authority to force insurance companies back to the state. The office of the commissioner, Ricardo Lara, a Democrat, did not respond to requests for comment. “What’s maddening is the question, wouldn’t it be better just paying off the thieves—the insurance mafia—for protection than being without this product that we all need to transact our daily lives? And I refuse to accept that. The voters created a system that protected them against that,” Rosenfield says.

Still, Los Angeles is a resilient market, and interest rates are not historically high. For now, the industry, however it may look poststrike and pre-AI, exists here. Money will exist in Hollywood forever, and as long as it does, so will the appetite for a luxury home market. Only the superrich will be able to afford to live in places where natural disaster is a likelihood, and so-called climate gentrification makes such places virtually unaffordable (in Florida, a $620,000 premium recently made headlines, and prices have increased almost 800 percent.)

“LA is a very dramatic place. It just kind of always is,” Cooper explains. “We feel things stronger than most people. When it’s really good, it’s really good, and when it’s really bad, as it’s been, you also have an outsized reaction to how good it was before.”

As of mid-September, that famed home of the famed screenwriter in the hills was still on the market.

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Here are some facts about British Columbia’s housing market

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Housing affordability is a key issue in the provincial election campaign in British Columbia, particularly in major centres.

Here are some statistics about housing in B.C. from the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation’s 2024 Rental Market Report, issued in January, and the B.C. Real Estate Association’s August 2024 report.

Average residential home price in B.C.: $938,500

Average price in greater Vancouver (2024 year to date): $1,304,438

Average price in greater Victoria (2024 year to date): $979,103

Average price in the Okanagan (2024 year to date): $748,015

Average two-bedroom purpose-built rental in Vancouver: $2,181

Average two-bedroom purpose-built rental in Victoria: $1,839

Average two-bedroom purpose-built rental in Canada: $1,359

Rental vacancy rate in Vancouver: 0.9 per cent

How much more do new renters in Vancouver pay compared with renters who have occupied their home for at least a year: 27 per cent

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Oct. 17, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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B.C. voters face atmospheric river with heavy rain, high winds on election day

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VANCOUVER – Voters along the south coast of British Columbia who have not cast their ballots yet will have to contend with heavy rain and high winds from an incoming atmospheric river weather system on election day.

Environment Canada says the weather system will bring prolonged heavy rain to Metro Vancouver, the Sunshine Coast, Fraser Valley, Howe Sound, Whistler and Vancouver Island starting Friday.

The agency says strong winds with gusts up to 80 kilometres an hour will also develop on Saturday — the day thousands are expected to go to the polls across B.C. — in parts of Vancouver Island and Metro Vancouver.

Wednesday was the last day for advance voting, which started on Oct. 10.

More than 180,000 voters cast their votes Wednesday — the most ever on an advance voting day in B.C., beating the record set just days earlier on Oct. 10 of more than 170,000 votes.

Environment Canada says voters in the area of the atmospheric river can expect around 70 millimetres of precipitation generally and up to 100 millimetres along the coastal mountains, while parts of Vancouver Island could see as much as 200 millimetres of rainfall for the weekend.

An atmospheric river system in November 2021 created severe flooding and landslides that at one point severed most rail links between Vancouver’s port and the rest of Canada while inundating communities in the Fraser Valley and B.C. Interior.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Oct. 17, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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No shortage when it comes to B.C. housing policies, as Eby, Rustad offer clear choice

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British Columbia voters face no shortage of policies when it comes to tackling the province’s housing woes in the run-up to Saturday’s election, with a clear choice for the next government’s approach.

David Eby’s New Democrats say the housing market on its own will not deliver the homes people need, while B.C. Conservative Leader John Rustad saysgovernment is part of the problem and B.C. needs to “unleash” the potential of the private sector.

But Andy Yan, director of the City Program at Simon Fraser University, said the “punchline” was that neither would have a hand in regulating interest rates, the “giant X-factor” in housing affordability.

“The one policy that controls it all just happens to be a policy that the province, whoever wins, has absolutely no control over,” said Yan, who made a name for himself scrutinizing B.C.’s chronic affordability problems.

Some metrics have shown those problems easing, with Eby pointing to what he said was a seven per cent drop in rent prices in Vancouver.

But Statistics Canada says 2021 census data shows that 25.5 per cent of B.C. households were paying at least 30 per cent of their income on shelter costs, the worst for any province or territory.

Yan said government had “access to a few levers” aimed at boosting housing affordability, and Eby has been pulling several.

Yet a host of other factors are at play, rates in particular, Yan said.

“This is what makes housing so frustrating, right? It takes time. It takes decades through which solutions and policies play out,” Yan said.

Rustad, meanwhile, is running on a “deregulation” platform.

He has pledged to scrap key NDP housing initiatives, including the speculation and vacancy tax, restrictions on short-term rentals,and legislation aimed at boosting small-scale density in single-family neighbourhoods.

Green Leader Sonia Furstenau, meanwhile, says “commodification” of housing by large investors is a major factor driving up costs, and her party would prioritize people most vulnerable in the housing market.

Yan said it was too soon to fully assess the impact of the NDP government’s housing measures, but there was a risk housing challenges could get worse if certain safeguards were removed, such as policies that preserve existing rental homes.

If interest rates were to drop, spurring a surge of redevelopment, Yan said the new homes with higher rents could wipe the older, cheaper units off the map.

“There is this element of change and redevelopment that needs to occur as a city grows, yet the loss of that stock is part of really, the ongoing challenges,” Yan said.

Given the external forces buffeting the housing market, Yan said the question before voters this month was more about “narrative” than numbers.

“Who do you believe will deliver a better tomorrow?”

Yan said the market has limits, and governments play an important role in providing safeguards for those most vulnerable.

The market “won’t by itself deal with their housing needs,” Yan said, especially given what he described as B.C.’s “30-year deficit of non-market housing.”

IS HOUSING THE ‘GOVERNMENT’S JOB’?

Craig Jones, associate director of the Housing Research Collaborative at the University of British Columbia, echoed Yan, saying people are in “housing distress” and in urgent need of help in the form of social or non-market housing.

“The amount of housing that it’s going to take through straight-up supply to arrive at affordability, it’s more than the system can actually produce,” he said.

Among the three leaders, Yan said it was Furstenau who had focused on the role of the “financialization” of housing, or large investors using housing for profit.

“It really squeezes renters,” he said of the trend. “It captures those units that would ordinarily become affordable and moves (them) into an investment product.”

The Greens’ platform includes a pledge to advocate for federal legislation banning the sale of residential units toreal estate investment trusts, known as REITs.

The party has also proposed a two per cent tax on homes valued at $3 million or higher, while committing $1.5 billion to build 26,000 non-market units each year.

Eby’s NDP government has enacted a suite of policies aimed at speeding up the development and availability of middle-income housing and affordable rentals.

They include the Rental Protection Fund, which Jones described as a “cutting-edge” policy. The $500-million fund enables non-profit organizations to purchase and manage existing rental buildings with the goal of preserving their affordability.

Another flagship NDP housing initiative, dubbed BC Builds, uses $2 billion in government financingto offer low-interest loans for the development of rental buildings on low-cost, underutilized land. Under the program, operators must offer at least 20 per cent of their units at 20 per cent below the market value.

Ravi Kahlon, the NDP candidate for Delta North who serves as Eby’s housing minister,said BC Builds was designed to navigate “huge headwinds” in housing development, including high interest rates, global inflation and the cost of land.

Boosting supply is one piece of the larger housing puzzle, Kahlon said in an interview before the start of the election campaign.

“We also need governments to invest and … come up with innovative programs to be able to get more affordability than the market can deliver,” he said.

The NDP is also pledging to help more middle-class, first-time buyers into the housing market with a plan to finance 40 per cent of the price on certain projects, with the money repayable as a loan and carrying an interest rate of 1.5 per cent. The government’s contribution would have to be repaid upon resale, plus 40 per cent of any increase in value.

The Canadian Press reached out several times requesting a housing-focused interview with Rustad or another Conservative representative, but received no followup.

At a press conference officially launching the Conservatives’ campaign, Rustad said Eby “seems to think that (housing) is government’s job.”

A key element of the Conservatives’ housing plans is a provincial tax exemption dubbed the “Rustad Rebate.” It would start in 2026 with residents able to deduct up to $1,500 per month for rent and mortgage costs, increasing to $3,000 in 2029.

Rustad also wants Ottawa to reintroduce a 1970s federal program that offered tax incentives to spur multi-unit residential building construction.

“It’s critical to bring that back and get the rental stock that we need built,” Rustad said of the so-called MURB program during the recent televised leaders’ debate.

Rustad also wants to axe B.C.’s speculation and vacancy tax, which Eby says has added 20,000 units to the long-term rental market, and repeal rules restricting short-term rentals on platforms such as Airbnb and Vrbo to an operator’s principal residence or one secondary suite.

“(First) of all it was foreigners, and then it was speculators, and then it was vacant properties, and then it was Airbnbs, instead of pointing at the real problem, which is government, and government is getting in the way,” Rustad said during the televised leaders’ debate.

Rustad has also promised to speed up approvals for rezoning and development applications, and to step in if a city fails to meet the six-month target.

Eby’s approach to clearing zoning and regulatory hurdles includes legislation passed last fall that requires municipalities with more than 5,000 residents to allow small-scale, multi-unit housing on lots previously zoned for single family homes.

The New Democrats have also recently announced a series of free, standardized building designs and a plan to fast-track prefabricated homes in the province.

A statement from B.C.’s Housing Ministry said more than 90 per cent of 188 local governments had adopted the New Democrats’ small-scale, multi-unit housing legislation as of last month, while 21 had received extensions allowing more time.

Rustad has pledged to repeal that law too, describing Eby’s approach as “authoritarian.”

The Greens are meanwhile pledging to spend $650 million in annual infrastructure funding for communities, increase subsidies for elderly renters, and bring in vacancy control measures to prevent landlords from drastically raising rents for new tenants.

Yan likened the Oct. 19 election to a “referendum about the course that David Eby has set” for housing, with Rustad “offering a completely different direction.”

Regardless of which party and leader emerges victorious, Yan said B.C.’s next government will be working against the clock, as well as cost pressures.

Yan said failing to deliver affordable homes for everyone, particularly people living on B.C. streets and young, working families, came at a cost to the whole province.

“It diminishes us as a society, but then also as an economy.”

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Oct. 17, 2024.

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