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Opinion | Haiti’s Forgotten Asset: Its Diaspora – POLITICO

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When Naomi Osaka lit the Olympic torch at opening ceremonies for Tokyo 2020, thousands of Haitians swelled with pride. And when she lost unexpectedly in the tennis competition, many in the country shared her pain. For Haitians, Osaka, whose father is Haitian-American, is yet another high-profile member of a vibrant Haitian diaspora that could play an important role in addressing Haiti’s chronic political problems.

The yet-unsolved assassination of President Jovenel Moise has put Haiti’s volatile politics and grinding poverty into the spotlight. A month after Moise’s death, a new prime minister has introduced a new cabinet and the U.S. has dispatched security experts to help the Haitian government secure vital infrastructure, though the White House insists there is still no plan to send troops.

The debate about what to do in the aftermath has yet to invoke an important resource: the more than 2 million Haitians living abroad. That’s not surprising. The Haitians in the diaspora evoke mixed feelings in Haiti: pride in successes like Osaka’s and disdain because they left the country. For a number of years, “Diaspo” has been a derogatory term, evoking the image of an arrogant Americanized Haitian who came home to flaunt his or her success.

But as Haiti has sunk into despair, the diaspora could be a lifeline. Haitians living abroad are not tainted by the corruption that pervades the political class in Haiti, and have achieved success in more meritocratic societies. The diaspora has acquired expertise, cultural and political clout, and experience living in democratic countries. As America struggles to respond to Haiti’s crisis, policymakers in Washington and diaspora members themselves should think about how to tap this resource. In particular, the diaspora can use their influence in Washington—as well as Ottawa and Paris—to bring international attention to the work of a commission of progressive reformers in Haiti. By shining a light on Haitian solutions to Haitian problems, the community can help break Haiti’s vicious cycle of disorder, hope and disappointment.

Haitians have been migrating in large numbers to the U.S. and Canada since Francois Duvalier seized power in the late 1950s. A second, larger wave fled when his son Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier succeeded his father in 1971. Haitian communities abroad, now in their second and third generations, have produced notable examples of upward mobility and achievement. Haitian-Americans are corporate executives, college presidents and deans, writers and playwrights, elected officials, actors and professional athletes, doctors and nurses, technicians and caregivers. Prominent Haitian-Americans include former Nintendo of North America President and CEO Reginald Fils-Aimé, Xavier University of Louisiana President Reynold Verette, novelist and MacArthur “genius” Edwidge Danticat, reality-show producer Mona Scott-Young (“Love and Hip Hop”), musician Wyclef Jean, University of Miami medical school dean Henri Ford, former Republican congresswoman Mia Love, essayist Roxanne Gay and NFL linebacker Jason Pierre-Paul.

It’s not just in the U.S. Michaëlle Jean served as Canada’s governor general from 2005 to 2010 while Dominique Anglade, a former cabinet minister, became head of Canada’s Quebec Liberal Party last year.

Haiti has a highly successful cultural sector that depends on talent both in Haiti and abroad. Haitian literature is highly regarded in the French-speaking world. Haitian authors, including Yanick Lahens and Louis-Philippe Dalembert, have garnered top literary prizes in France and Canada. Dany Laferrière is a member of that élite arbiter of the French language, the Académie Francaise. Haitian art has won critical acclaim and Haitian music has flourished in the Caribbean, Europe and Africa.

While the Haitian community has made a name for itself abroad, young people in Haiti itself—galvanized by social media—are making their voices heard in the country’s politics. The civil society movement behind more than two years of massive anti-regime protests in Haiti, formally called the Commission To Search for a Haitian Solution to the Crisis, reflects this new involvement. The commission sees the installation of Prime Minister Ariel Henry as a ritual shuffle of the same rotten cards and a setup for a sham election. Instead, it wants an interim government with a limited portfolio to reform the judicial system and the police before credible elections can be scheduled.

But the structural reforms that Haitian progressives envision will be a tough sell to the international community. Policy experts talk about “Haiti fatigue” after the failed multibillion-dollar intervention following the 2010 earthquake. The Biden administration has signaled a lack of interest in nation-building projects. Haiti will have to make a compelling case that this time it’s different.

This is where Haitians abroad come in, if they can organize into a coherent force. The diaspora has helped move the needle on political issues related to Haiti in the past. On April 20, 1990, 100,000 Haitian-Americans marched across the Brooklyn Bridge to protest an FDA ban on blood donations by sub-Saharan Africans and Haitians because of fears about HIV. The size of the protest shocked the New York political establishment and launched a wave of political activism among Haitians in New York. Eventually, the FDA ban was withdrawn. More recently, Haitian-Americans have teamed up with the Congressional Black Caucus and other supporters of Haiti to press the U.S. government on immigration issues, such as temporary protected status.

Today, the diaspora can serve as a voice for reform in the corridors of power in Washington, Ottawa and Paris, and counter the lobbyists hired by influential Haitians who want to maintain the status quo. The House Haiti Caucus, formed a few months before Moise’s assassination, has urged the Biden administration to pay attention to the grassroots movement. In Canada, more than 20 human rights, labor and Haitian diaspora organizations recently sent a letter to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau urging him to support the views of the commission on prioritizing reform before elections.

Patrick Gaspard, the new head of the influential left-leaning think tank, the Center for American Progress, is Haitian-American. To capitalize on existing momentum and help mobilize the diaspora, he could organize a think tank dedicated to Haiti or a conference where Haitians living in Haiti can make the case to policymakers for a new approach. One important topic could be building more transparent and tamper-proof systems for management of government finances to help regain the Haitian public’s trust. The group could also expand on an initiative launched by lawyers based in France to teach mediation to members of the Haitian judiciary—a much-needed skill in a winner-take-all political culture.

Financially, Haitians overseas already play a crucial role keeping their home country afloat. According to the World Bank, Haitians living abroad sent $3.3 billion a year in remittances (cash transfers) in 2019, nearly 25 percent of the country’s GDP. The money from Haitian communities in the U.S., Canada, France, Brazil and elsewhere feeds, clothes, shelters and educates relatives left behind. The diaspora can build on this role by targeting investments to sectors that need foreign capital such as renewable energy and food production, areas the oligarchs are not likely to embrace.

The Haitian government has the potential to play spoiler to the diaspora’s efforts. For years, politicians in Haiti have paid lip service to engaging the diaspora’s expertise and capital, but have done little to make it happen. For a long time, Haiti did not recognize dual citizenship, barring Haitians who have taken citizenship abroad from running for high office or voting in elections. By contrast, immigrants from the Dominican Republic, which shares the island of Hispaniola with Haiti, can vote in Dominican elections, playing a role in setting their native country’s political agenda.

Haitians abroad hesitate to invest their talent and money for the same reasons the country has trouble attracting other investors: corruption. The late President Moise and his predecessor Michel Martelly repeatedly declared that “Haiti is open for business” and urged Haitians abroad to pool their resources to help develop their country of origin. But neither president was able to move the needle on Haiti’s poor reputation as a place to invest. In 2019, Transparency International ranked Haiti 170th of the 180 countries it rates for public-sector corruption.

Meanwhile, the United States—whose interventions have done more harm than good, even when well-intentioned—is similarly failing to capitalize on this influential group. American policy toward Haiti has consistently favored stability over reform, though that “stability” is increasingly elusive. Moise’s moves to undermine democracy and consolidate power before his death drew mild rebuke from Washington. When U.S. officials visited Haiti several days after the assassination, they failed to meet with the commission, one member told me. Many diaspora organizations in New York, Miami and Boston are similarly frustrated that they don’t get adequate face time with policymakers. Listening to ideas from the Haitian community—both in Haiti and abroad—on how to rebuild their country would be a novelty after years of intervention by “friendly” governments and NGOs.

“The Commission has always considered the diaspora as a key stakeholder,” Monique Clesca, a member of the Commission and a former United Nations employee, told me, adding that the group has consulted key members of the Haitian community abroad about its plans.

To be clear, Haitian-Americans should approach the task with humility, making sure above all to listen to the people with the most direct stake in Haiti’s future—the people of Haiti. Diaspora Haitians can play a role in spurring necessary reforms without ending up as yet another outside group professing to know what’s best for Haiti. They have had the valuable experience of living in a democracy. They bring expertise in dozens of disciplines and management skills that are sorely needed in a Haiti weakened by decades of brain drain. And they have a track record of success that can be applied to a country that badly needs a new narrative.

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Politics Professor Emeritus leads prestigious four-part lecture series – University of Virginia The Cavalier Daily

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When Brantly Womack, Professor Emeritus of Politics at the University of Virginia and Senior Faculty Fellow at the Miller Center, retired from his professorship at the University last May, there was a noticeable loss in the Politics department’s coverage of contemporary China and Chinese politics. No classes on Chinese politics are being offered this semester, and the Politics department has not yet instated a replacement for Womack as the department’s China expert. This was a catalyst for Womack’s decision to host a four-part lecture series entitled “China and the Recentering of East Asia” through the University’s own East Asia Center, beginning Thursday and with three more planned through Oct. 7.

“This is my little effort to continue presenting something available to students about the big picture on China and Asia,” Womack said.

Womack’s speaker series has been set to run for four consecutive weekly lectures, covering a chronological scope of China’s history and positioning in the changing regional and global socio-political landscape. Each session will feature Womack’s own knowledge, an assortment of attendee questions organized by a chosen moderator and significant collaboration with a renowned Chinese expert. 

“I could combine the presentation, not only with a webinar, but also top Asia experts to comment on the history of Asia or comment on my ideas on the history of Asia,” Womack said. “That adds a tremendous amount to the depth and to the richness of the ideas available.”

The first session of the series took place Thursday night and was moderated by Ambassador Stephen Mull, the University’s current vice provost for global affairs. To kick off his discussion on the topic of “China’s Premodern Centricity,” Womack welcomed Wang Gungwu, a professor at National University of Singapore and renowned Chinese historian, as his first guest collaborator. 

In addition to Zoom, the event welcomed both in-person attendance and a livestreamed service on YouTube for those who did not register on time. 300 people alone were registered on Zoom, and this significant online turnout was complemented by the estimated 40 to 50 in-person student and faculty attendees who gathered in Nau Hall’s large lecture space. All attendees were masked in accordance with the University’s COVID-19 policy, and everyone sat fairly distanced from each other. 

East Asia Center Director Dorothy Wong welcomed all of the event’s in-person and virtual attendees at 8:30 p.m. Thursday before passing the microphone to Mull. After a brief recognition of all of Womack’s accomplishments, Mull invited the series’ host to take the stage, and the main presentation began.

Womack’s first presentation emphasized three different kinds of continuities throughout Chinese history — situational factors, asymmetric perspectives and relational interactions. The now-retired professor expanded upon each continuity with carefully articulated detail before inviting his guest Gungwu  to elaborate, emphasize and challenge his presentation.

“It was a really insightful discussion,” said first-year College student Juan Arratia. “There were a whole bunch of interesting perspectives… My favorite moment would probably be when [Wang] modified a bit of what the Professor said and added a new spin to it, I liked that a lot.”

This interest certainly didn’t end with Arratia — professors and students alike sat attentively in the crowd at Nau Hall.

Attendees took notes, listened and engaged with the professor’s intellectual and humorous insights. Although reasons for attendance varied, there seemed to be a unanimous interest in the chosen subjects being discussed. 

“I heard about the event through my engagements class,” first-year College student Reese Whittaker said. “I would really like to attend the other parts of the lecture series … I think it’s important to know history everywhere in the world [because] I’m a firm believer that those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it.”

Brian Murphy, the East Asia Center’s administrative coordinator, furthered Whittaker’s take on the importance of understanding history from a more broad perspective.

“I mean, it’s not the type of thing that really is taught in the curriculum at any level,” Murphy said. “You know you can get a B.A. and have really no idea about the history of the East … It’s kind of amazing that that’s the case, that world history is always so Eurocentric.”

Both Murphy and Whittaker’s responses elucidate the importance of continuing to broaden our understanding of contemporary China despite the topic’s absence from the University’s curriculum this semester. In the wake of the Asian Student Union-led survey report of APIDA students released in February, opportunities like this lecture series hope to continue acting as avenues for awareness and contextualization.

“I think a lot of our students are interested,” Wong said. “I learned that among the U.Va. undergraduate population, 25 percent of students have Asian and Asian American backgrounds. I hope the University pays attention to addressing the needs of the students of Asian and Asian American background.”

In the coming weeks, Womack will return to the podium of Nau 101 and virtually welcome three more internationally esteemed guest speakers from China, Australia and Taiwan.

His selection of speakers is impressive to say the least, and might not have been possible without his ready acceptance of a hybrid format.

“They’re all friends of mine and I’m happy to say that they’re my number one choices and they all agreed immediately to do this,” Womack said. “And even though I think remote teaching has all sorts of problems, remote events — that’s something that Zoom has added a whole new dimension of possibility to that we’d never be able to pay for, let alone actually get the people who are going to be commenting over the next few weeks.”

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Trudeau warns against vote split in tight Canada election

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Brooklin, Ontario (Reuters) -With the Canadian election in a dead heat two days before the Sept. 20 vote, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and his Conservative rival implored supporters to stay the course and avoid vote splitting that could hand their opponent victory.

Both men campaigned in the same seat-rich Toronto region on Saturday as they tried to fend off voter defections to the left-leaning New Democratic Party (NDP) and the populist People’s Party of Canada (PPC), both of which are rising in polls.

The latest Sondage Leger poll conducted for the Journal de Montreal and the National Post newspapers put the Conservatives one percentage point ahead of Trudeau’s Liberals, with 33% over 32%. The NDP was at 19% while the PPC was at 6%.

Trudeau, 49, called an early election, seeking to convert approval for his government’s handling of the pandemic into a parliamentary majority. But he is now scrambling to save his job, with Canadians questioning the need for an early election amid a fourth pandemic wave.

“Despite what the NDP likes to say, the choice is between a Conservative or a Liberal government right now,” Trudeau said in Aurora, Ontario. “And it does make a difference to Canadians whether we have or not a progressive government.”

Trudeau has spent two of the final three days of his campaign in Ontario where polls show the NDP could gain seats, or split the progressive vote.

A tight race could result in another minority government, with the NDP, led by Jagmeet Singh, playing kingmaker. It has also put a focus on turnout, with low turnout historically favouring the Conservatives.

An Ekos poll released on Saturday also showed the main parties neck and neck though the Liberals had an edge at 30.6% compared to 27.7% for the Conservatives. At these levels, neither party appears likely to reach the 170 seats needed for a majority in the 338-seat House of Commons.

With a Liberal minority the most likely result based on polls, Trudeau was asked if this could be his last election. He responded: “There is lots of work still to do, and I’m nowhere near done yet.”

If voters give Trudeau, who was first elected in 2015, a third term, everything they dislike about him “will only get worse,” Conservative leader Erin O’Toole told supporters on Saturday, saying his party was the only option for anyone dissatisfied with the Liberals, in a dig at the PPC.

The PPC, which has channelled anger against mandatory vaccines into surprising support, could draw votes away from the Conservatives in close district races, helping the Liberals eke out a win.

An election that had appeared set to be an easy win for Trudeau, whose Liberals had led comfortably in polls before it was called, has become an unexpected slog due to a lackluster campaign, the reemergence of old scandals, and public anger over its timing.

“I wish it wasn’t happening, to be honest,” said Connie Riordan, a voter in Cambridge, Ontario, who said she had switched to the Conservatives in advance voting from the Liberals.

On Saturday, the Liberals announced they would drop a candidate over a 2019 sexual assault charge that the party said was not disclosed to them. The candidate, a naval reservist running in an open Liberal seat in downtown Toronto, will not be a member of the Liberal caucus, if he is elected, the party said.

Earlier this month, Liberal member of parliament Raj Saini ended his re-election campaign amid allegations of inappropriate behaviour towards female staffers.

O’Toole, 48, campaigned in Saini’s district on Saturday, one of three Liberal ridings he is hoping to swing his way. Earlier, he appeared in a Conservative-held riding west of Toronto that was closely fought during the 2019 election.

The area’s member of Parliament, who is not running again, came under fire last spring for saying COVID-19 lockdowns were the “single greatest breach of our civil liberties since the internment camps during WW2.”

O’Toole, who said he wants to get 90% of Canadians vaccinated, has refused to say who among Conservative Party candidates were.

(Editing by Daniel Wallis and Andrea Ricci)

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5 Reasons It’s Hard For Disabled People To Trust Politics And Activism – Forbes

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Disabled people’s attitudes towards politics and activism are complicated.

Distrust in politics is almost standard among Americans today. Some of that distrust extends to various forms of activism as well –– or to anyone trying to change public policy, or people’s beliefs and behaviors. But what about people with disabilities, who have historically benefitted from the fruits of politics and activism, but also felt let down by them more than once?

Despite the urgency of problems and issues disabled people face, a great many of us remain alienated and suspicious of social and political action. Exploring the reasons why is important if we are to fully understand ourselves, and if others –– especially politicians and policy makers –– are ever to understand us.

It helps to start by recognizing some of the reasons for disabled people to be optimistic about politics and activism today:

  • There was more detailed focus on disability issues by the 2020 Presidential campaigns than ever before. At least ten candidates for President issued specific, multi-point disability plans, nearly all of which included at least some of disabled people’s most cherished priorities.
  • Voter participation by people with disabilities significantly increased in the 2020 Elections. Rutgers University researchers Lisa Schur and Douglas Kruse report that although there is still a participation gap between disabled and non-disabled voters, it shrunk in 2020. Disabled voter turnout was 5.9 points higher than in 2016, and 17.7 million disabled people voted in the 2020 Election overall, a potentially powerful contingent of voters.
  • There is a rare chance right now for passage of major investments in home care through the Better Care Better Jobs Act, and for significant reform and updating of SSI in the SSI Restoration Act. Both are high priority issues for the disability community that are finally being at least taken seriously by a Presidential administration and Congress.

All of these developments suggest that disabled people’s involvement in activism and politics really can work. And they didn’t come out of nowhere, or because politicians are suddenly more compassionate or interested in disability issues for their own sake.

These gains and opportunities exist today because of decades of organized protest, policy activism, and political engagement starting in the early 1970s by movements of disabled people, fighting for ourselves. This movement has won specific victories, like passage of the Americans with Disabilities Act in 1990, as well as more gradual shifts, like inclusion in schools, deinstitutionalization, and the gradual expansion of home care.

These are impressive gains, won by disabled people’s involvement in activism and politics. But yesterday’s victories can only do so much to persuade most disabled people that fighting for change is time well spent. Many if not most of us remain wary and skeptical about organized activism and electoral politics. Some disabled people are distinctly hostile to them.

Precise reasons are hard to pin down. But there are broad factors worth considering:

1. Politics and activism aren’t accessible.

Despite clear and longstanding mandates, voting accessibility is inconsistent from region to region. Would-be disabled voters still regularly contend with inaccessible polling places, antiquated voting systems, and poorly trained poll workers.

Now, some measures that made voting a good deal more accessible in 2020 are under direct attack in many states. This includes efforts to restrict or eliminate voting by mail and early voting. Meanwhile, countless other petty measures are being passed that make the act of voting more physically restrictive and demanding rather than less. Whether intentionally or not, these measures turn voting into a test of endurance, instead of a civil right.

Political events are often inaccessible too. This includes party and campaign meetings, public forums, campaign rallies, and voter outreach activities. Disabled people who want to participate in politics constantly run into problems with:

  • Wheelchair accessibility
  • Sign Language interpreting
  • Captioning for video content
  • Transcripts for audio content
  • Website accessibility
  • Plan language versions of key documents

Even disability organizations can fail at some of these basic components of accessibility. And there are other, more subtle problems with inclusion in disability culture as well.

Disability activists sometimes put unreasonable physical and emotional demands on each other. Sometimes this happens because of sincere enthusiasm and momentum for a vital cause. Other times it’s part of a vain effort to demonstrate disabled people’s ability to achieve in mainstream social action, without compromise to our impairments. Either way, it’s ironic and wasteful that so many disabled people are allowed to conclude that their own disabilities make it impossible for them to do disability activism.

These practical deterrents don’t just keep disabled people out of politics and activism physically, but discourage us from even trying.

2. Mainstream politics tends to either ignore or misunderstand disability issues and culture.

Until fairly recently, disability issues and disabled voters were virtually invisible in political campaigns. When they were addressed, it was only in the most vague and inconsequential ways. There has always been lots of “support” for our rights, but little in the way of policy that was politically challenging, or likely to make a real difference in our lives. This is beginning to change, but the progress so far is lopsided.

It’s progress that ten Presidential candidates offered substantial disability plans last year, but unfortunate that they were all from one party. Republican Presidential candidates offered no plans or positions on disability policy. And few “lower ballot” candidates of any party bothered to put out disability plans, even though Congress and state legislatures have far more practical impact on disability issues than presidents do.

So despite some recent encouraging signs, “addressing disability issues” still too often means candidates running sentimental ads and photo ops with unnamed kids in wheelchairs –– or addressing the needs of disabled people indirectly and mistaking the concerns and priorities of parents, teachers, and “caregivers” as being the same as those of disabled people themselves. This condescension has done a lot to sour disabled people’s feelings about politics, despite other undeniable gains.

3. The goals are good, but it’s too hard to see or recognize results.

Disability activists and policy developers are often on the right track, and are being honest when they describe the better lives disabled people can have if we all join the push for needed reforms. But in disability activism and politics, satisfaction is usually not just denied or delayed, but also disguised.

Even when change does come, we usually have to wait far too long before seeing the direct, personal results we were promised. And it’s not always obvious that a modest improvement we are experiencing now is a result of intense and committed disability activism that happened five or more years before.

There is also often a strong status quo bias. Some disabled people don’t like their living, working, or financial circumstances, but come to believe that any sort of “change” is more likely to make their lives worse than better, no matter what activists say. This may partly explain some of the backlash, even among some disabled people, against changes like increasing funding of home and community based services, and ending sub-minimum wage.

A lot of disabled people feel burned, not just by those who oppose change, but by the disabled activists who promise it, but rarely seem to deliver. This breeds a very specific and corrosive kind of mistrust –– a mistrust of optimism itself.

4. It’s hard to keep track of what’s happening.

There is usually just too much going in disability activism and politics for most disabled people to keep track or up to date.

The disability community is fragmented. There is no one source of reliable information, no single recognized leader to rally support at key moments. This diversity is a strength. And it can be bad in a different way when a very few disabled people or disability organizations have a monopoly on attention and power. But being this decentralized is also a weakness, especially in situations where coordination and mass dissemination of information is vital.

Internet communications have more recently helped sew some of the various disability communities together. But social media is also making the task harder, because it speeds everything up even more. We have the tools to let millions of disabled people know instantly when calls are needed to pass a bill. But we can rarely count on anyone to put those tools to use in time. And most disabled people have barely even begun to explore disability networks online, much less in their own towns and local organizations.

Disability politics and activism may actually have been easier when there were fewer realistic possibilities for us. More opportunities mean more work. The disability community’s goals may be outpacing its capacity to achieve them. That’s a positive sign for the future. But it’s a real and difficult practical problem for the present.

5. Nearly every victory the disability community wins brings risks.

The Americans with Disabilities Act was a massive moral and legal victory for disabled Americans. It remains one of our proudest accomplishments and the basis for most of our current claims for access, equality and fairness. But almost as soon as it was passed in 1990, efforts were underway not so much to overturn the law, but to make it manageable and blunt its more demanding and significant mandates.

Large companies especially were quick to develop effective strategies to “comply” with the ADA, while avoiding more meaningful improvements for actual disabled people. People complain about disability activists and lawyers using the ADA to make money off seemingly small accessibility violations. But far more consultants and lawyers have been making a living for decades by teaching businesses and employers more how to avoid compliance, or accomplish it superficially and on the cheap.

This isn’t unique to the ADA. Disability policy changes are almost always so complicated that it makes them less effective. Reforms like the ABLE Act have done genuine good for disabled people. But like so many other disability policy bills, in order to pass it was limited, trimmed, and loaded with conditions in ways that leave significant numbers of disabled people out and make even approaching it intimidating. The combination of narrowed eligibility and hard to understand rules make even some of the best disability reforms and programs all but invisible to the people they are meant to help.

Advocacy success breeds other problems, too. Now that we are seeing more disabled people elected and appointed to key government positions, it’s fair to ask how much a numerical increase in high profile “disability representation” really improves things. There’s a danger that truly effective activists can win well-deserved positions in government and politics, only to be constrained by the shackles of government itself, and held back by the politics that helped win them power.

This isn’t even about corruption or “selling out.” The dilemmas disabled leaders and representatives face are real. It takes more than most people can manage to balance a true commitment to disability activism, the obligations of responsible office, and the need for political unity and mutual support within any administration. We want to see disabled people in government where they can do some good. But is that even possible?

Distrust in politics and doubts about the usefulness of disability activism are natural, even healthy feelings for disabled people to have. At best they prompt us to ask uncomfortable but necessary questions. The problem comes when healthy skepticism becomes toxic cynicism. For the disability community to keep moving forward, we have to be wary and aware, but without giving in to pessimism and apathy. If we can manage that, it could even be a lesson to all Americans, with or without disabilities.

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