Opinion | We all agree on who shouldn't be allowed to make political donations. Then it gets tricky - NiagaraFallsReview.ca | Canada News Media
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Opinion | We all agree on who shouldn't be allowed to make political donations. Then it gets tricky – NiagaraFallsReview.ca

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Voters are massively opposed to big business or big unions ever again donating to — or distorting — the political process.

And they are grappling with how to get the old money politics under control.

We know this thanks to a new poll for the Toronto Star carried out by Campaign Research, which probed public attitudes to Premier Doug Ford latest campaign finance reforms. Amid growing public cynicism about how politicians from all parties raise private funds — and how governments in power spend public funds — it’s a point worth driving home:

People want our politics kept free of corrosive corporate influences that corrupt decision-making. Our politicians must not only be clean, but seen to be clean.

A lopsided 69 per cent of Ontarians support a ban on business and union contributions, with only 10 per cent opposed, according to the poll. That’s a strong majority in favour of policing the political process, which is why we posed the question.

The bigger question is what should replace it. And here the answers are surprising, sometimes confusing, and something of a challenge for people who care about democratic reform.

The numbers don’t lie. Just as we must follow the money, we must also follow the polling data to make sense of public opinion.

This month’s survey comes against the backdrop of continued controversy over how the Progressive Conservative government deals with sensitive development issues, and whether the pristine Greenbelt is up for grabs. The increased resort to so-called “Ministerial Zoning Orders” (MZOs) by Ford’s Tories — which short circuit routine environmental safeguards and zoning rules — risks playing into the hands of developers with deep pockets.

This province was the Wild West of money politics until recently, with top cabinet ministers in former premier Kathleen Wynne’s government raising hundreds of thousands of dollars each to fill individual quotas set by the Liberal party. Amid much controversy (and a lot of column inches in the Toronto Star), Wynne did what no other party in power had ever done in Ontario — she banned the financial power of private interests, notably the big brewers, the Beer Store and their labour unions (with outsized influence on both Liberals and New Democrats).

Ontario cleaned up its act. But how do we keep it clean going forward?

Under pressure, Wynne agreed to replace prohibited private funding with public funding — allocated per vote received — so that the major political parties wouldn’t be bankrupted by the switch. It worked, until it almost came unravelled.

Campaigning as a populist outsider in 2018, Ford vowed to eliminate the so-called “per-vote subsidy” if he ever won power. His government quickly announced plans to phase out the roughly $2.50 per vote allocation, and Ford told me last October he was determined not to waver.

But to his credit, in mid-pandemic, the premier had second thoughts on campaign finance reform — as he has on other matters that matter. Last month he quietly extended the public financing of political parties for at least another three years, throwing a lifeline to the democratic process at a time when voters are tapped out by COVID-19.

It turns out Ontarians are almost evenly split.

About the premier’s decision to extend per vote subsidies: 35 per cent for, versus 36 per cent against.

(Campaign Research polled 1,344 people across Ontario from March 8-11 using Maru/Blue’s online panel; it is an opt-in poll, but for comparison purposes, a random sample of this size would have a margin of error of plus or minus 2.7 percentage points, 19 times out of 20.)

For Ford, who got into politics as an anti-government populist — but now runs the government as a popularity-conscious premier still riding high in the polls — the public split, and the high level of indecision, gave him manoeuvring room to reconsider. After all, the facts have changed since he made what he thought would be a popular promise — people are hurting, which makes it harder for parties to make their fundraising pitches (until someone’s stumble gives them an opening).

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Which means the premier won’t pay a price, either way, for doing the right thing — except, perhaps, among his most right-wing supporters. Among Tories, fully 42 per cent opposed the premier’s decision to extend public subsidies, with 34 per cent opposed.

Liberals were evenly split, while New Democrats broadly backed Ford’s extension — 47 per cent in favour versus 27 per cent opposed (not as wide a margin as the NDP might imagine).

Interestingly, Green Party Leader Mike Schreiner, who passionately favours per vote subsidies, may be out of step with his own supporters: 37 per cent oppose the extension of public funding, and 27 per cent support it, which suggests Greens sometimes see blue.

Schreiner is right to back public funding, as I do. But the polling numbers suggest a democratic disconnect.

Under cover of extending the per vote subsidy, the premier also doubled the limits on individual donations from $1,650 a year to $3,300 annually. The polling shows voters split down the middle on this, with 38 per cent supporting the move and 36 per cent opposed.

It turns out Ford has threaded the needle on campaign funding. It’s all in the polling data.

If democracy activists want to lower those contribution limits — which are in the middle of the pack, among provinces, but too high by my measure — the best way to persuade politicians like Ford to do the right thing is to win public support for tougher rules.

It’s hard to persuade public opinion. But that’s democracy.

In practice, private money distorts decision making. In principle, public money doesn’t.

But if you want to win the day on democratic reforms, you first have to win the campaign to persuade people. That’s politics.

Let’s block ads! (Why?)



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Gould calls Poilievre a ‘fraudster’ over his carbon price warning

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OTTAWA – Liberal House leader Karina Gould lambasted Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre as a “fraudster” this morning after he said the federal carbon price is going to cause a “nuclear winter.”

Gould was speaking just before the House of Commons is set to reopen following the summer break.

“What I heard yesterday from Mr. Poilievre was so over the top, so irresponsible, so immature, and something that only a fraudster would do,” she said from Parliament Hill.

On Sunday Poilievre said increasing the carbon price will cause a “nuclear winter,” painting a dystopian picture of people starving and freezing because they can’t afford food or heat due the carbon price.

He said the Liberals’ obsession with carbon pricing is “an existential threat to our economy and our way of life.”

The carbon price currently adds about 17.6 cents to every litre of gasoline, but that cost is offset by carbon rebates mailed to Canadians every three months. The Parliamentary Budget Office provided analysis that showed eight in 10 households receive more from the rebates than they pay in carbon pricing, though the office also warned that long-term economic effects could harm jobs and wage growth.

Gould accused Poilievre of ignoring the rebates, and refusing to tell Canadians how he would make life more affordable while battling climate change. The Liberals have also accused the Conservatives of dismissing the expertise of more than 200 economists who wrote a letter earlier this year describing the carbon price as the least expensive, most efficient way to lower emissions.

Poilievre is pushing for the other opposition parties to vote the government down and trigger what he calls a “carbon tax election.”

The recent decision by the NDP to break its political pact with the government makes an early election more likely, but there does not seem to be an interest from either the Bloc Québécois or the NDP to have it happen immediately.

Poilievre intends to bring a non-confidence motion against the government as early as this week but would likely need both the Bloc and NDP to support it.

Gould said she has no “crystal ball” over when or how often Poilievre might try to bring down the government

“I know that the end of the supply and confidence agreement makes things a bit different, but really all it does is returns us to a normal minority parliament,” she said. “And that means that we will work case-by-case, legislation-by-legislation with whichever party wants to work with us. I have already been in touch with all of the House leaders in the opposition parties and my job now is to make Parliament work for Canadians.”

She also insisted the government has listened to the concerns raised by Canadians, and received the message when the Liberals lost a Toronto byelection in June in seat the party had held since 1997.

“We certainly got the message from Toronto-St. Paul’s and have spent the summer reflecting on what that means and are coming back to Parliament, I think, very clearly focused on ensuring that Canadians are at the centre of everything that we do moving forward,” she said.

The Liberals are bracing, however, for the possibility of another blow Monday night, in a tight race to hold a Montreal seat in a byelection there. Voters in LaSalle—Émard—Verdun are casting ballots today to replace former justice minister David Lametti, who was removed from cabinet in 2023 and resigned as an MP in January.

The Conservatives and NDP are also in a tight race in Elmwood-Transcona, a Winnipeg seat that has mostly been held by the NDP over the last several decades.

There are several key bills making their way through the legislative process, including the online harms act and the NDP-endorsed pharmacare bill, which is currently in the Senate.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 16, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Voters head to the polls for byelections in Montreal and Winnipeg

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OTTAWA – Canadians in two federal ridings are choosing their next member of Parliament today, and political parties are closely watching the results.

Winnipeg’s Elmwood —Transcona seat has been vacant since the NDP’s Daniel Blaikie left federal politics.

The New Democrats are hoping to hold onto the riding and polls suggest the Conservatives are in the running.

The Montreal seat of LaSalle—Émard—Verdun opened up when former justice minister David Lametti left politics.

Polls suggest the race is tight between the Liberal candidate and the Bloc Québécois, but the NDP is also hopeful it can win.

The Conservatives took over a Liberal stronghold seat in another byelection in Toronto earlier this summer, a loss that sent shock waves through the governing party and intensified calls for Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to step down as leader.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 16, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Next phase of federal foreign interference inquiry to begin today in Ottawa

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OTTAWA – The latest phase of a federal inquiry into foreign interference is set to kick off today with remarks from commissioner Marie-Josée Hogue.

Several weeks of public hearings will focus on the capacity of federal agencies to detect, deter and counter foreign interference.

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and key government officials took part in hearings earlier this year as the inquiry explored allegations that Beijing tried to meddle in the 2019 and 2021 federal elections.

Hogue’s interim report, released in early May, said Beijing’s actions did not affect the overall results of the two general elections.

The report said while outcomes in a small number of ridings may have been affected by interference, this cannot be said with certainty.

Trudeau, members of his inner circle and senior security officials are slated to return to the inquiry in coming weeks.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 16, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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