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Pandemic continues to dominate all areas of politics – RTE.ie

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Tomorrow marks one year since Election 2020 and yet everything has changed.

The pandemic has transformed politics and eclipsed all other Government business with the virus dictating policy.

This time a year ago coronavirus was for most, a faraway problem, with no confirmed cases in the country.

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The then administration of Fine Gael and Independents had been monitoring the situation but there was no sign of the virus becoming all-consuming.

The election itself was an earthquake, with a massive swing to Sinn Féin and disappointing results for Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael. The Green Party and the Social Democrats also made gains while Labour lost one seat.

The final seat count was: Fianna Fáil 38, Sinn Féin 37, Fine Gael 35, Independents 20, Green Party 12, Labour Party 6, Social Democrats 6, Solidarity-People Before Profit 5 and Aontú 1.

Sinn Féin embarked on a victory lap around the country, making noises about forming a left-leaning government.

But the reality of the numbers dictated that two of the three now mid-sized parties would have to come together.

After some posturing, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael settled into talks and then approached the smaller parties with the Greens taking the plunge after some lengthy internal soul searching.

Looking back at party manifestos, one year on, it’s clear just how much the pandemic has blown everything off course.

Typically a party’s wish list of promises is heavily diluted in any Government and even more so in a three-way coalition. This time around, everything has been submerged by the urgency of the pandemic.

Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael promised income tax cuts. In the Programme for Government, this became a pledge not to hike taxes although ministers still profess that cuts may be possible in later budgets.

But as government formation talks dragged on, the pandemic transformed the usual business of politics.

While Leo Varadkar stayed on as Taoiseach, the other parties adopted more measured supportive positions as the country grappled with its first lockdown in the face of a new threat.

Normal sparring was suspended as most in the opposition rowed in with the public health advice, which at that stage was being adopted wholesale by Government.

The Dáil sat, at most, only once a week for March and April as TDs followed the same rules as everyone else.

By the end of June, the Government was formed and the redrawing of the Oireachtas was clear with a historic coalition from the old enemies and Sinn Féin leading the opposition.

But judging from a consistent pattern in polls, the arrangement has been better for Fine Gael than Fianna Fáil which seems to channel the blame for the tough restrictions while Fine Gael is still coasting on the memory of decisive early action.

All political observers agree that the next election is a long way off for several reasons. Normal politics remains somewhat suspended during the pandemic and despite early problems, the coalition has held together more firmly in recent months.

Each of the Government parties has had its own internal wrangles. Fianna Fáil had a torrid period early into the administration with the loss of two Cabinet members – Barry Cowen and Dara Calleary.

Fine Gael faced the heat over Leo Varadkar’s leaking of the GP contract and Justice Minister Helen McEntee’s handling of the Supreme Court appointment.

And the Green Party had a tight leadership contest followed by two ministerial wobbles over a Government bill.

But how are the main parties faring one year on?

Fianna Fáil is languishing in the mid-teens in the polls. There has also been some public bickering with one TD admitting: “The incessant cribbing damages the party – they need to put the same effort into supporting the Taoiseach”.

Some also fear being overlooked as Fine Gael and Sinn Féin take pot shots at each other. However, there’s a view that the message has been more cohesive recently with the Taoiseach hitting his stride in media outings.

Fine Gael has gone into Government for a record third time in a row. It had a bad election with lessons to be learnt about why it lost so many seats.

One TD says: “We have to move away from saying two things – that we inherited a broken economy and that we were hampered by confidence and supply”.

The party has clearly stepped up its attacks on Sinn Féin in a cultivated rivalry that ultimately suits both camps.

The Green Party parliamentary party

The Green Party has publicly lost many activists and has also faced accusations of bullying within it. But despite this, there’s a view that with such a massive glut of new members, it was inevitable that some activists would go overboard.

One issue remaining though is outstanding internal arguments over CETA, the trade agreement between the EU and Canada. This is despite several lengthy weekend meetings to trash out the issue.

However, the party is progressing the Climate Action Bill which is at the heart of its policy objectives.

Sinn Féin has returned again and again to health and housing and has been pumping out policy on those areas.

But it too has been embroiled in controversies including the fallout from the Bobby Storey funeral and the comments of Brian Stanley and Martin Browne.

Some Government TDs feel the party started well, capitalising on its electoral success with the rallies.

However, there’s a perception that it has lost its footing recently, by being called out on changing positions on how to tackle the pandemic.

Social Democrats’ co-leaders Róisín Shortall (L) and Catherine Murphy

The Social Democrats’ four new TDs have impressed with high profile Dáil and media contributions.

Several rival party TDs also point to its successful social media operations although another says the party has become adept at virtue signalling.

Labour has a new leader in Alan Kelly who has made an impact in the Dáil although that hasn’t translated into a lift in the polls. And the pandemic is hindering his ability to rebuild the organisation around the country.

Solidarity-PBP’s five TDs have a high profile and Gino Kenny has progressed his own bill on assisted dying.

The party was also an early adopter of the Zero Covid strategy which has latterly gained some other converts.

The next year will inevitably also be dominated by Covid-19 but there’s also the hope in the form of the vaccination programme.

And as normal life resumes, so too will the cut and thrust of normal politics.

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Anger toward federal government at 6-year high: Nanos survey – CTV News

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Most Canadians in March reported feeling angry or pessimistic towards the federal government than at any point in the last six years, according to a survey by Nanos Research.

Nanos has been measuring Canadians’ feelings of optimism, satisfaction, disinterest, anger, pessimism and uncertainty toward the federal government since November 2018.

The latest survey found that optimism had crept up slightly to 10 per cent since hitting an all-time low of eight per cent in September 2023.

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However, 62 per cent of Canadians said they feel either pessimistic or angry, with respondents equally split between the two sentiments.

(Nanos Research)

“What we’ve seen is the anger quotient has hit a new record,” Nik Nanos, CTV’s official pollster and Nanos Research founder, said in an interview with CTV News’ Trend Line on Wednesday.

Only 11 per cent of Canadians felt satisfied, while another 11 per cent said they were disinterested.

Past survey results show anger toward the federal government has increased or held steady across the country since March 2023, while satisfaction has gradually declined.

Will the budget move the needle?

Since the survey was conducted before the federal government released its 2024 budget, there’s a chance the anger and pessimism of March could subside a little by the time Nanos takes the public’s temperature again. They could also stick.

The five most important issues to Canadians right now that would influence votes, according to another recent Nanos survey conducted for Bloomberg, include inflation and the cost of living, health care, climate change and the environment, housing affordability and taxes.

(Nanos Research)

With this year’s budget, the federal government pledged $52.9 billion in new spending while promising to maintain the 2023-24 federal deficit at $40.1 billion. The federal deficit is projected to be $39.8 billion in 2024-25.

The budget includes plans to boost new housing stock, roll out a national disability benefit, introduce carbon rebates for small businesses and increase taxes on Canada’s top-earners.

However, advocacy groups have complained it doesn’t do enough to address climate change, or support First Nations communities and Canadians with disabilities.

“Canada is poised for another disastrous wildfire season, but this budget fails to give the climate crisis the attention it urgently deserves,” Keith Brooks, program director for Environmental Defence, wrote in a statement on the organization’s website.

Meanwhile, when it comes to a promise to close what the Assembly of First Nations says is a sprawling Indigenous infrastructure gap, the budget falls short by more than $420 billion. And while advocacy groups have praised the impending roll-out of the Canada Disability Benefit, organizations like March of Dimes Canada and Daily Bread Food Bank say the estimated maximum benefit of $200 per month per recipient won’t be enough to lift Canadians with disabilities out of poverty.

According to Nanos, if Wednesday’s budget announcement isn’t enough to restore the federal government’s favour, no amount of spending will do the trick.

“If the Liberal numbers don’t move up after this, perhaps the listening lesson for the Liberals will be (that) spending is not the political solution for them to break this trend line,” Nanos said. “It’ll have to be something else.”

Conservatives in ‘majority territory’

While the Liberal party waits to see what kind of effect its budget will have on voters, the Conservatives are enjoying a clear lead when it comes to ballot tracking.

(Nanos Research)

“Any way you cut it right now, the Conservatives are in the driver’s seat,” Nanos said. “They’re in majority territory.”

According to Nanos Research ballot tracking from the week ending April 12, the Conservatives are the top choice for 40 per cent of respondents, the Liberals for 23.7 per cent and the NDP for 20.6 per cent.

Whether the Liberals or the Conservatives form the next government will come down, partly, to whether voters believe more government spending is, or isn’t, the key to helping working Canadians, Nanos said.

“Both of the parties are fighting for working Canadians … and we have two competing visions for that. For the Liberals, it’s about putting government support into their hands and creating social programs to support Canadians,” he said.

“For the Conservatives, it’s very different. It’s about reducing the size of government (and) reducing taxes.”

Watch the full episode of Trend Line in our video player at the top of this article. You can also listen in our audio player below, or wherever you get your podcasts. The next episode comes out Wednesday, May 1.

Methodology

Nanos conducted an RDD dual frame (land- and cell-lines) hybrid telephone and online random survey of 1,069 Canadians, 18 years of age or older, between March 31 and April 1, 2024, as part of an omnibus survey. Participants were randomly recruited by telephone using live agents and administered a survey online. The sample included both land- and cell-lines across Canada. The results were statistically checked and weighted by age and gender using the latest census information and the sample is geographically stratified to be representative of Canada. The margin of error for this survey is ±3.0 percentage points, 19 times out of 20.

With files from The Canadian Press, CTV News Senior Digital Parliamentary Reporter Rachel Aiello and CTV News Parliamentary Bureau Writer, Producer Spencer Van Dyke

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The MAGA Right is Flirting With Political Violence – Vanity Fair

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Tom Cotton is encouraging vigilantism, and Kari Lake is urging supporters to “strap on a Glock.”

April 17, 2024

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Image may contain Tom Cotton Face Head Person Photography Portrait Adult Formal Wear Accessories Tie and People

Tom Cotton speaks at a press conference in December 2023.Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images

The MAGA right exists in a perpetual state of overheated grievance. But as the November election nears, the temperature seems to be rising, getting dangerously high.

This week, following Gaza war protests that disrupted travel in major American cities Monday, Senator Tom Cotton explicitly called on Americans to “take matters into [their] own hands” to get demonstrators out of the way. Asked to clarify those comments Tuesday, Cotton stood by them, telling reporters he would “do it myself” if he were blocked in traffic by demonstrators: “It calls for getting out of your car and forcibly removing” protestors,” he said.

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The right-wing senator’s comments came on the heels of Kari Lake, the GOP candidate for Senate in Arizona, suggesting supporters should arm themselves for the 2024 election season. “The next six months is going to be intense,” she said at a rally Sunday. “And we need to strap on our—let’s see, what do we want to strap on? We’re going to strap on our seat belt. We’re going to put on our helmet or your Kari Lake ballcap. We are going to put on the armor of God. And maybe strap on a Glock on the side of us, just in case.”

And those comments came a couple weeks after Donald Trump, who regularly invokes apocalyptic and violent rhetoric, shared an image on social media depicting President Joe Biden—his political rival—hog-tied in the back of a pick-up truck. “This image from Donald Trump is the type of crap you post when you’re calling for a bloodbath or when you tell the Proud Boys to ‘stand back and stand by,’” a Biden spokesperson told ABC News last month, referring to the former president’s dog-whistle to extremist groups during a 2020 debate and to cryptic remarks he’s made from rally stages this spring suggesting Biden’s reelection would mean a “bloodbath”—for the auto industry and for the border. This kind of thing is nothing new—not for Trump, not for his allies, and not in American history, which is what makes these flirtations with political violence all the more dangerous.

We’ve seen where this kind of reckless rhetoric can lead. Throughout Trump’s first campaign for president, it led to eruptions of violence at his rallies, which he openly encouraged: “Knock the crap out of ‘em, would you?” he told supporters of hecklers. It also inflamed tensions throughout his presidency, which culminated with his instigating a violent insurrection at the United States Capitol. According to a PBS Newshour/NPR/Marist poll this month, 20 percent of Americans believe violence may be necessary to get the country on track. A disturbing new study out of University of California-Davis found openness to political violence was even higher among gun owners, particularly those who own assault weapons, recently purchased their firearms, or carry them in public. And an October survey by the Public Religion Research Institute and the Brookings Institution suggested that support for political violence, while still limited, appears to be increasing, with nearly a quarter of respondents overall—and a third of Republicans—agreeing with the statement: “Patriots may have to resort to violence in order to save our country.”

“It looks like the temperature has gone up across the board, but especially among Republicans,” Robert P. Jones, president and founder of PRRI, told Axios of the survey last fall. That’s no accident. It’s the kind of political climate you get when a sitting senator promotes vigilantism, a Senate candidate calls on supporters to take up arms, and a major party embraces or enables a demagogue. “Political violence,” as Biden campaign communications director Michael Tyler put it a couple weeks ago, “has been and continues to be central to Donald Trump’s brand of politics.”

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Walking tour to celebrate Toronto's first Black politician – CBC.ca

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A new walking tour this summer will celebrate the legacy of a man who literally changed the face of Toronto’s politics, Canada’s first elected politician who wasn’t white: William Peyton Hubbard. 

Elected as a City Alderman in 1894, Hubbard served until 1914, including stints as acting mayor of Toronto. But east end resident Lanrick Bennett was embarrassed to say he’d never heard of him until the 2010s — when Hubbard’s name was put forward in a park naming contest in Riverdale.

In 2016, a park at Broadview Avenue and Gerrard Street E. was officially named Hubbard Park. This summer, Bennett is organizing a historical walking tour from Hubbard’s former residence on Broadview to the park, which will be lead by fellow east ender Marie Wilson, who initiated the campaign to name the green space after him. 

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“As a parent, I want my kids to understand that there are people that look like them that were around, that were here, that came before,” Bennett said.

“They were fighting the good fight back then.” 

The tour is part of a series of Black history walking tours that Bennett will be hosting this summer to coincide with Emancipation Day in August, called #HearThis. This week, he was awarded a $1,000 grant from the charities Toronto Foundation and Volunteer Toronto to organize the walks.

He will also be digitizing the routes so people can do them on their own time. 

A portrait of W.P. Hubbard at 89 years old. He was born in 1842 and died at the age of 93 in 1935. (City of Toronto Archives)

“This entire project is about amplification,” Bennett said. “I don’t know everything about all the history within this neighborhood and within this community, but I want people to start digging.”

Park named after Hubbard in 2016

In the contest to name the park nearly a decade ago, Wilson put up flyers and approached people in the neighbourhood to tell them who Hubbard was and why they should vote for him. She learned of Hubbard from the plaque in front of his former home. 

“I’m not only fascinated by history, but by forgotten history and the forgotten people in history,” she said. “I think that Hubbard fell into that category. I know that there are some people who know of him and did back then, but in a big way, I don’t think he was known.”

At the time of the park’s unveiling, Hubbard’s great-granddaughter Lorraine Hubbard said it was the first, permanent public recognition of his contributions to the city. 

A woman stands at the left side of the frame and a man stands at the right, they are in front of a sign that says Hubbard Park.
Marie Wilson, at left, will be leading the walk, which was organized by Lanrick Bennett, at right. (Martin Trainor/CBC)

Aside from the fact that he was the city’s first Black politician, who always stood up for the underdog, she said her favourite fact about Hubbard was that he baked himself a birthday cake every year. 

Hubbard was born near Bathurst and Bloor streets, after his parents escaped enslavement in America. But he didn’t begin his political career until he was in his 50s, after working as a baker and cab driver. 

He was elected in his second attempt in one of the wealthiest and whitest wards in Toronto, which spanned University Avenue to Bathurst Street. He was reelected 14 times.

Hubbard faced and fought racism

When others wanted them privatized, Hubbard helped keep Toronto’s hydroelectric and water systems public utilities, which led to the creation of Toronto Hydro. He was also part of the city’s Board of Control, a powerful four-member group at the city’s executive level that advised the mayor on municipal spending. 

Wilson said he was also an instrumental player in the creation of High Park.

“He was a champion of the underdog and he just felt that the poor people, the disenfranchised, needed what we now call green space,” she said. 

While breaking barriers, Heritage Toronto’s website says Hubbard defended other marginalized groups, such as the city’s Chinese and Jewish communities, from discrimination and violence. 

But being a Black man at the turn of the century, he had his own experiences of racial abuse from city councillors from other cities, Heritage Toronto says. When conducting business outside the city, he was sometimes required to carry character reference letters from the mayor. 

Bennett hopes that through the tour, he can provide a context of the Black history found in Toronto’s east end. 

“It’s kind of cool to be living where we do and to know that history is around you and it’s literally outside of your front door,” he said.  

For more stories about the experiences of Black Canadians — from anti-Black racism to success stories within the Black community — check out Being Black in Canada, a CBC project Black Canadians can be proud of. You can read more stories here.

A banner of upturned fists, with the words 'Being Black in Canada'.
(CBC)

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