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Politics of hate has hit UP’s development – The Tribune India

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Zoya Hasan

Professor Emerita, JNU

As Ayodhya, Varanasi and Mathura take centre stage in India’s weightiest state, it is clear that the ruling party’s campaign in the poll-bound Uttar Pradesh (UP) is centred on Hinduising the voters, rather than bothering about the economy or harmony. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its lead campaigners are reluctant to focus on the track record of their double-engine government in the last five years. But they are never short on attacking past governments for lack of development and making exaggerated claims regarding development under their own government. That’s why, it is imperative to scrutinise the claims of the UP Government and the consequences of its divisive politics.

The state records one of the lowest growth rates in India. On most development indicators, UP ranks poorly compared to other states. It is economically backward and socially conservative. Even a cursory examination of the actual conditions of people would show no significant improvement in the quality of public life, health or education sectors or employment opportunities. Unemployment, lawlessness and the collapse of public infrastructure remain the calling cards of the state.

Even so, the BJP has been trying to portray UP as a ‘transformed’ state under its government. The UP Chief Minister had said in March 2020, while marking his government’s fourth year in office, that UP had been lifted from the ‘Bimaru’ (Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh) status to ‘Samarth’ (capable). But most development indicators belie these claims. UP was a ‘Bimaru’ state and it has remained so. If anything, it has worsened in some respects in the last five years.

An important indication that things have not changed much can be seen from the state’s per capita income, which has increased by just 0.43 per cent over the four years of this government as against the claim of 100 per cent growth. Per capita income was half (Rs 41,023) of the national average (Rs 86,659) in 2019-20 and the second lowest in the country.

But still, the UP Government has been putting out front-page advertisements in leading newspapers that the state is making great progress, even claiming that UP’s per capita income has doubled. These claims are based on figures of gross state domestic product (GSDP) in the budget documents of 2021-22, which was revised upward, implying an increase in growth over 2019-20.

But this is far removed from the official estimates of GSDP prepared by the Department of Economics and Statistics (‘Economic Growth in Uttar Pradesh in Recent Years’, Economic and Political Weekly, December 11, 2021).

Let us look at the two crucial indicators of health and women’s employment to gauge the state of development. UP is at the bottom of the 19 large states in the latest Niti Aayog health index for 2019-20. It is ranked the worst in institutional deliveries both in 2014-15 and 2019-20. The state was hit by the disastrous second wave of Covid-19. The state’s misery was reflected in oxygen shortages, failing public hospitals and visuals of hundreds of dead bodies buried hurriedly on the banks of the Ganga. UP is among the states with the lowest female participation in the workforce. It was less than 10 per cent in both urban and rural areas in pre-Covid-19 years and is unlikely to have grown since the pandemic. With 91 per cent of women out of the labour market in UP, they are among the poorest and most vulnerable. UP’s economy has clearly failed them in terms of meagre employment generation and the lack of associated income opportunities.

The dismal state of development has to be seen in the backdrop of the growth of Hindu nationalism which dominates politics and society in that state. UP has been critical to the public staging of the Hindutva project in a way that is not true of other states. The figurative significance of Ayodhya, Kashi and Mathura in this process as symbols of Hindu unity and as a wedge around which communal consolidation can take place cannot be underestimated. None of the other states quite have this cache. Currently, nation and religion are interchangeable in UP, but, ironically, the state is more divided and unequal than before. In fact, the ideologues of Hindu nationalism never ever refer to distributive justice or equity or improving the lot of the poor. They seek to unify the majority by disguising the true state of development or livelihoods with the lure of religious nationalism, which then becomes a mask to obfuscate the most significant inequalities.

The head of a mutt is the head of the government. Under his watch, the state’s descent into a communal cul-de-sac has gained momentum. Every day, there is a frontal assault on secularity, justice and decency. Add to this, the discrimination and intimidation of Muslims by the highest political functionaries and their total exclusion from public institutions, fusing the state with religion (of the majority) entirely. This underlines the inability of religious nationalism to conceive of equal citizenship and equal participation as the foundation of democracy.

The stage is set for a high-voltage electoral battle in UP in the coming months. This is the moment when the state government must be held to account as regards its performance. This has acquired urgency as the BJP seeks to alter the very basis of politics to create a permanent ethnic voting bloc, privileging the majority Hindu community to establish Hindu dominance, with economic issues relegated to the background and matters of jobs, price rise and public health thrown out of the electoral fray.

The politics of hate adversely affects economic activity as it overtakes basic issues. As a result, UP is struggling with the contradictions between the socio-economic needs of the people and the communal agenda of the regime.

Hindu nationalism has subverted the political vocabulary from democracy, rights, equality and deliberation to sacrifice, duty, victimhood, pride, law and order, cow protection, love jihad and conversions. This vocabulary undercuts the language needed for actually developing and implementing policies that would benefit the people.

The rights-based approach to development, where people get benefits as a right, rather than as an act of benevolence from the government, is the way to rescue UP and reverse the damages caused by the counter-revolution in the heartland of our democracy.

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Alberta Premier Smith aims to help fund private school construction

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EDMONTON – Alberta Premier Danielle Smith says her government’s $8.6-billion plan to fast-track building new schools will include a pilot project to incentivize private ones.

Smith said the ultimate goal is to create thousands of new spaces for an exploding number of new students at a reduced cost to taxpayers.

“We want to put all of the different school options on the same level playing field,” Smith told a news conference in Calgary Wednesday.

Smith did not offer details about how much private school construction costs might be incentivized, but said she wants to see what independent schools might pitch.

“We’re putting it out there as a pilot to see if there is any interest in partnering on the same basis that we’ll be building the other schools with the different (public) school boards,” she said.

Smith made the announcement a day after she announced the multibillion-dollar school build to address soaring numbers of new students.

By quadrupling the current school construction budget to $8.6 billion, the province aims to offer up 30 new schools each year, adding 50,000 new student spaces within three years.

The government also wants to build or expand five charter school buildings per year, starting in next year’s budget, adding 12,500 spaces within four years.

Currently, non-profit independent schools can get some grants worth about 70 per cent of what students in public schools receive per student from the province.

However, those grants don’t cover major construction costs.

John Jagersma, executive director of the Association of Independent Schools and Colleges of Alberta, said he’s interested in having conversations with the government about incentives.

He said the province has never directly funded major capital costs for their facilities before, and said he doesn’t think the association has ever asked for full capital funding.

He said community or religious groups traditionally cover those costs, but they can help take the pressure off the public or separate systems.

“We think we can do our part,” Jagersma said.

Dennis MacNeil, head of the Public School Boards Association of Alberta, said they welcome the new funding, but said money for private school builds would set a precedent that could ultimately hurt the public system.

“We believe that the first school in any community should be a public school, because only public schools accept all kids that come through their doors and provide programming for them,” he said.

Jason Schilling, president of the Alberta Teachers’ Association, said if public dollars are going to be spent on building private schools, then students in the public system should be able to equitably access those schools.

“No other province spends as much money on private schools as Alberta does, and it’s at the detriment of public schools, where over 90 per cent of students go to school,” he said.

Schilling also said the province needs about 5,000 teachers now, but the government announcement didn’t offer a plan to train and hire thousands more over the next few years.

Alberta NDP Leader Naheed Nenshi on Tuesday praised the $8.6 billion as a “generational investment” in education, but said private schools have different mandates and the result could be schools not being built where they are needed most.

“Using that money to build public schools is more efficient, it’s smarter, it’s faster, and it will serve students better,” Nenshi said.

Education Minister Demetrios Nicolaides’ office declined to answer specific questions about the pilot project Wednesday, saying it’s still under development.

“Options and considerations for making capital more affordable for independent schools are being explored,” a spokesperson said. “Further information on this program will be forthcoming in the near future.”

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 18, 2024.

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Health Minister Mark Holland appeals to Senate not to amend pharmacare bill

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OTTAWA – Health Minister Mark Holland urged a committee of senators Wednesday not to tweak the pharmacare bill he carefully negotiated with the NDP earlier this year.

The bill would underpin a potential national, single-payer pharmacare program and allow the health minister to negotiate with provinces and territories to cover some diabetes and contraceptive medications.

It was the result of weeks of political negotiations with the New Democrats, who early this year threatened to pull out of their supply-and-confidence deal with the Liberals unless they could agree on the wording.

“Academics and experts have suggested amendments to this bill to most of us here, I think,” Independent Senator Rosemary Moodie told Holland at a meeting of the Senate’s social affairs committee.

Holland appeared before the committee as it considers the bill. He said he respects the role of the Senate, but that the pharmacare legislation is, in his view, “a little bit different.”

“It was balanced on a pinhead,” he told the committee.

“This is by far — and I’ve been involved in a lot of complex things — the most difficult bit of business I’ve ever been in. Every syllable, every word in this bill was debated and argued over.”

Holland also asked the senators to move quickly to pass the legislation, to avoid lending credence to Conservative critiques that the program is a fantasy.

When asked about the Liberals’ proposed pharmacare program for diabetes and birth control, Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre has often responded that the program isn’t real. Once the legislation is passed, the minister must negotiate with every provincial government to actually administer the program, which could take many months.

“If we spend a long time wordsmithing and trying to make the legislation perfect, then the criticism that it’s not real starts to feel real for people, because they don’t actually get drugs, they don’t get an improvement in their life,” Holland told the committee.

He told the committee that one of the reasons he signed a preliminary deal with his counterpart in British Columbia was to help answer some of the Senate’s questions about how the program would work in practice.

The memorandum of understanding between Ottawa and B.C. lays out how to province will use funds from the pharmacare bill to expand on its existing public coverage of contraceptives to include hormone replacement therapy to treat menopausal symptoms.

The agreement isn’t binding, and Holland would still need to formalize talks with the province when and if the Senate passes the bill based on any changes the senators decide to make.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 18, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Nova Scotia NDP accuse government of prioritizing landlord profits over renters

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HALIFAX – Nova Scotia’s NDP are accusing the government of prioritizing landlords over residents who need an affordable place to live, as the opposition party tables a bill aimed at addressing the housing crisis.

NDP Leader Claudia Chender took aim at the Progressive Conservatives Wednesday ahead of introducing two new housing bills, saying the government “seems to be more focused on helping wealthy developers than everyday families.”

The Minister of Service Nova Scotia has said the government’s own housing legislation will “balance” the needs of tenants and landlords by extending the five per cent cap on rent until the end of 2027. But critics have called the cap extension useless because it allows landlords to raise rents past five per cent on fixed-term leases as long as property owners sign with a new renter.

Chender said the rules around fixed-term leases give landlords the “financial incentive to evict,” resulting in more people pushed into homelessness. She also criticized the part of the government bill that will permit landlords to issue eviction notices after three days of unpaid rent instead of 15.

The Tories’ housing bill, she said, represents a “shocking admission from this government that they are more concerned with conversations around landlord profits … than they are about Nova Scotians who are trying to find a home they can afford.”

The premier’s office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Also included in the government’s new housing legislation are clearer conditions for landlords to end a tenancy, such as criminal behaviour, disturbing fellow tenants, repeated late rental payments and extraordinary damage to a unit. It will also prohibit tenants from subletting units for more than they are paying.

The first NDP bill tabled Wednesday would create a “homelessness task force” to gather data to try to prevent homelessness, and the second would set limits on evictions during the winter and for seniors who meet income eligibility requirements for social housing and have lived in the same home for more than 10 years.

The NDP has previously tabled legislation that would create a $500 tax credit for renters and tie rent control to housing units instead of the individual.

Earlier this week landlords defended the use of the contentious fixed-term leases, saying they need to have the option to raise rent higher than five per cent to maintain their properties and recoup costs. Landlord Yarviv Gadish, who manages three properties in the Halifax area, called the use of fixed-term leases “absolutely essential” in order to keep his apartments presentable and to get a return on his investment.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 18, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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