Russell Brand’s descent into conspiracy politics
I never shared George Monbiot’s admiration for Russell Brand and so I’m not quite so bitterly disappointed that the comedian seems to have disappeared down a conspiracist rabbit hole (I once admired Russell Brand. But his grim trajectory shows us where politics is heading, 10 March). I would also be reluctant to cite him as a reason to despair about the politics of “younger people”.
For a start, Brand is not that young – at 47, he is five years older than the prime minister. Is he really such an influence on the genuinely young? He gets a lot of views on YouTube, but the values of the young, especially in relation to climate change, are closer to Monbiot’s than Brand’s.
What I find interesting is that Brand’s conspirators are just the usual suspects – Nancy Pelosi, Anthony Fauci, Bill Gates, the World Economic Forum etc. Monbiot finds this lack of originality “dispiriting”. I find it curiously encouraging. If the conspiracists can’t come up with any new material, they will find their audience tiring of the same old tunes and the same old puppetmasters.
I could not agree more with George Monbiot on Russell Brand’s rants. He has moved, apparently unaware of it, from left to middle (his spiritual phase), to flat-out right. I think a lot of people forget to unsubscribe from his channel, and I suggest all those who stopped watching Brand a while ago (I stopped during that spiritual phase) should unsubscribe. Brand interviewed Jordan Peterson not long ago, and it felt like love. Both expressed that wounded male pride that underpins the exploitation of feelings of sexual inadequacy in (older, white) men by the far right. And it works. See the US philosopher Jason Stanley’s book, How Fascism Works.
Dr Helen Hintjens
I wonder if the bleak arc followed by Russell Brand and his fellow populist online conspiracy theorists is quite so new? The idea of transcending left and right became popular in the 1990s with Bill Clinton’s and Tony Blair’s “third way”, a social democratic theory of mild redistribution and liberalisation that would overcome the staid old dichotomy between the state and the market. In 1994, Blair’s academic guru, Prof Anthony Giddens, published Beyond Left and Right: The Future of Radical Politics – an imaginative guidebook to the new way of doing things. I remember the hype: as an impressionable student at LSE, I attended Giddens’s lectures. The bright morning sunshine of 1 May 1997 was an intoxicating tonic.
It was as if these former leftists were implying that there was no longer any need for broad debate. “Trust us,” they were saying. “We’ve found the answers, and the old divisions are no longer relevant.” But we couldn’t trust them, and they were wrong. Claiming to move beyond established dialectics imperils democracy. Conflict between left and right endures. It seems presumptuous to declare its demise.
Dr Daniel Gay
St Jorioz, Haute-Savoie, France
Like George Monbiot, I have been disappointed to follow the career of Russell Brand over the last decade. It’s sad to see what was a rare positive and inspiring voice in the darkness descend into a murky, click-rate-driven negative feedback loop, where “free thinking” meets Andrew-Tate-style “red pilling”. It’s a far cry from the message of tolerance and unity in search of fairness that we used to hear from his corner.
Muswell Hill, London
China, Russia face sanctions from US states now. That’s dangerous
Sanctions have become all the rage in international politics. The United States and its allies are imposing them on rivals with increasing frequency and severity. And those rivals are reciprocating where they can.
Now, American states, too, are increasingly getting in on the act. And that’s bad news — for the world, and for US foreign policy. A much-publicised episode of a Chinese balloon entering US airspace seems to have created new energy for such restrictions and has led to legislation being proposed in at least 11 states.
On Wednesday, the South Carolina State Senate passed a bill barring ownership of land in the state by citizens of US geopolitical adversaries Russia, China, North Korea, Iran and Cuba. The bill’s top sponsor even compared a planned purchase of South Carolina land by a Chinese biomedical firm with the Trojan Horse plot of Greek mythology.
Meanwhile, Texas State Senator Lois Kolkhorst has proposed a similar law that has drawn strong condemnation on human rights grounds but has been defended by Greg Abbott, the state’s Republican governor. A simple reading of the original version of this bill would lead one to conclude that any individual who holds citizenship from any of the mentioned countries, or any firms which they own, would be barred from owning property. This would have included American citizens who hold dual citizenship. Since then, the language has been softened to protect dual citizens and permanent residents but not citizens of those countries residing in Texas on a visa.
Implementation of such language would impose new and unusual due diligence requirements on common land transactions. Meanwhile, creating special restrictions on various immigrant communities to own property poses human rights concerns.
Existing sanctions laws and Treasury Department designations already block leaders from those American adversaries from transferring money into the US or owning property in the country. Meanwhile, recently introduced federal legislation aims to ban US adversaries from purchasing large swaths of farmland in the US.
So why would a state engage in what is essentially a foreign policy and national security matter?
On the one hand, some scholars see sanctions as often being a product of domestic politics, aimed at portraying muscle to the electorate, at times influenced by pressure groups such as “ethnic lobbies”. Those in this camp of scholars are more inclined to believe that sanctions are not particularly effective. If sanctions are for the satisfaction of domestic onlookers, they will not be designed and implemented with an eye towards efficacy and the security context.
Other scholars, however, argue that sanctions are indeed imposed due to a meaningful effort to address national security concerns.
Like many in the national security decision-making scholarship community, I feel both of these binary constructions frequently fail when confronted with the history of economic sanctions. The truth is that foreign policy choices are a product of complex national security matrices that accommodate both foreign policy and domestic political considerations.
Yet irrespective of one’s overall view on the efficacy of sanctions more broadly, it is hard for anyone to deny that policies against foreign nationals adopted by state governments can have little explanation other than domestic and even local politics.
In the US, the executive branch has always been best suited to make foreign policy decisions due to its clear mandate and wherewithal in this field. Congress has a constitutional role in foreign policy matters but it’s far more likely to be influenced by domestic political pressures and national anxieties.
The executive branch largely controlled sanctions policy throughout the Cold War era. But after the fall of the Soviet Union, as major threats to the homeland faded, Congressional and sub-federal forces became increasingly involved in this field.
While Congress has largely ceded its war power authority in the modern era, it has become more active in sanctioning due to an impulse of members to be seen as projecting power against American adversaries even when it interferes with the president’s efforts to engage in strategic policy.
What about state legislators and governors? They have no real national security staff nor the relevant mandate, as their elections almost always lack any meaningful foreign policy discussion and are decided based on provincial issues, whether taxes or abortion rights.
Yet their meddling in foreign policy isn’t superfluous — it can actually be reckless, for global diplomacy and for US foreign policy. Here’s how.
The folly of state sanctions
As written, the mentioned measures are unlikely to meaningfully interfere with the federal government’s ability to carry out its foreign policy. But one can imagine a scenario in which sanctions imposed by states do just that.
New York state and California preside over major nodes of the global banking community and the international technology supply chain. Texas itself is a major player in global energy markets. Other states can wield a more narrow version of such powers as well.
There are already examples of when New York State has targeted European firms for their perceived violation of sanctions, ignoring objections at the federal level. States can, as the federal government has often done, impose restrictions on firms operating in their jurisdiction in a way that has extraterritorial consequences.
This in turn sets up a precarious dynamic. The federal government might have to mollify or negotiate with state governments led by ambitious politicians responding to special interests or catering to local constituencies.
Equally, state governments of the party in opposition can actively undercut diplomatic efforts of the federal government using such sanctions. For example, a federal effort to ease sanctions on Cuba could create political momentum for state sanctions in Florida, where families of those who fled communist rule are a powerful lobby.
Ultimately, sanctions are a tool of foreign policy and the capacity to modulate or even repeal them is critical to accomplishing the political goals behind sanctions campaigns. For the president or Congress to have to lobby with state governments, each representing a fraction of the overall population, to alter America’s sanctions against a country would represent a bizarre new obstacle to the federal government’s ability to carry out its foreign policy obligations.
The proposed Texas and South Carolina laws are textbook examples of sanctions as political grandstanding meant for domestic consumption. They are also a reminder of the jingoistic zeal that can be nurtured and exploited by foreign policy amateurs at the state level.
As we embark upon what scholar Peter A G van Bergeijk calls the “second wave” of global sanctions, states will likely look further to getting in on the act with human rights and global affairs.
Washington’s basic ability to carry out a coherent foreign policy hangs in the balance.
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.
Beijing denies meddling after MP Han Dong’s resignation from Liberal caucus
OTTAWA — Beijing says it has nothing to say about ongoing allegations that China has meddled in Canadian affairs, including those regarding a member of Parliament who has left the Liberal caucus.
Han Dong is now sitting as an Independent as the Liberal government has a rapporteur investigate claims of Chinese interference, including allegations the Toronto MP willingly received electoral support through Chinese officials.
Dong resigned from the Liberal caucus Wednesday night after Global News, citing unnamed security sources, published a report alleging that he spoke about Michael Spavor and Michael Kovrig with a Chinese diplomat in Toronto in February 2021.
The MP says he met with the diplomat but disputes any suggestion that he urged China to delay releasing the two Canadian men, who by that point had been detained for more than two years.
Dong told the House of Commons he would defend himself “against these absolutely untrue claims” and that he did nothing to cause Spavor and Kovrig any harm.
Asked about Dong’s resignation at a press conference today in Beijing, a spokesman for the Chinese foreign ministry says “the Canadian side may be in a better position” to comment, and that “China opposes interference in other countries’ internal affairs.”
He adds that this applies to broader allegations about Chinese interference.
“We have no interest in and will not interfere in Canada’s internal affairs,” Wang Wenbin said in the official English transcript. “There should be no irresponsible comments on this.”
China’s detention of the men who became known around the world as the “two Michaels” occurred in apparent retaliation for the December 2018 arrest of Huawei executive Meng Wanzhou in Vancouver on a U.S. extradition warrant.
Beijing has insisted the cases are not linked, despite a close alignment in the timing of each being detained and then released the same day in September 2021.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published March 23, 2023.
The Canadian Press
Pierre Poilievre to get face time with U.S. President Joe Biden in Ottawa
OTTAWA — Official Opposition Leader Pierre Poilievre is expected to meet U.S. President Joe Biden when he visits Canada this week.
Senior U.S. administration officials confirmed Wednesday in a briefing given on the condition they not be named that Biden plans to have what is known as a “pull-aside” conversation with Poilievre.
They say the president, who is scheduled to arrive in Ottawa with first lady Jill Biden on Thursday, also plans to exchange pleasantries with other party leaders.
Earlier Wednesday, Poilievre said Conservatives want to see the White House end its “Buy American” policies, which industry leaders in Canada say risk hurting workers and the economy.
Poilievre has also called for a closure of the unofficial border crossing at Roxham Road in Quebec, and for action on the Safe Third Country agreement with the U.S.
The two-day visit to Ottawa is Biden’s first since he took office in 2021.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published March 22, 2023.
The Canadian Press
Hab posts video showing frustration with punishment for Bruin – CTV News Montreal
Risk of a hard landing for Canadian economy is up, former Bank of Canada governor says – CTV News
Senators' playoff push takes huge hit with Chychrun lower-body injury – CBC Sports
Silver investment demand jumped 12% in 2019
Iran anticipates renewed protests amid social media shutdown
Search for life on Mars accelerates as new bodies of water found below planet’s surface
Investment2 hours ago
Private-sector investment brings touch of Hollywood to southern Manitoba town – Winnipeg Sun
News7 hours ago
Canadian park among world’s most beautiful: Big 7 Travel
Investment7 hours ago
Investing isn’t free. But here’s why 20% of investors think it is
Business8 hours ago
Windsor-Essex brewers lament impact of looming 6.3% alcohol tax
News23 hours ago
Calling for closer Canada-U.S. ties, Biden says ‘our destinies are intertwined and they’re inseparable’
News22 hours ago
Canada extends support for those fleeing Russia’s illegal and unjustifiable invasion of Ukraine
Media21 hours ago
Trans Flight Attendant Famed For United Airlines Ad Found Dead After Emotional Social Media Post
News21 hours ago
Biden in Canada: Replay coverage of the U.S. president’s trip