“Simply Black,” Reviewed: An Urgent Mockumentary About Racial Politics in France - The New Yorker | Canada News Media
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“Simply Black,” Reviewed: An Urgent Mockumentary About Racial Politics in France – The New Yorker

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For all its earnest diagnosis of race relations in a country that doesn’t recognize race, “Simply Black” is an extraordinary comedic work of lilt and sparkle.Photograph courtesy Gaumont Films and C8

France’s slogan is “liberty, equality, fraternity,” but instead of taking it as an ideal the country takes it as a given. As proof of its ostensible equality, for instance, the country treats all French people as equally French, mostly banning the collection of statistics on race, religion, and ethnicity. This policy, however, does not change the fact that France has serious problems of racial inequality and discrimination, problems that are addressed, substantially yet comedically, in “Simply Black,” a metafictional mockumentary directed by Jean-Pascal Zadi and John Wax. (It played in person over the weekend and is online as of Sunday, as part of the “Burning Brighter” festival at French Institute Alliance Française.)

Zadi, a Black actor and filmmaker whose family is from Ivory Coast and who was raised in Normandy, plays a fictionalized version of himself, bearing the same name. (We’ll call the character Jean-Pascal.) The movie begins with Jean-Pascal sitting at home, in his bright and pleasant apartment, and filming a video in which he declares his intention to organize a march of Black men in Paris, to protest the dearth of Black people in French media, cinema, and politics. He doesn’t conceal the span of his ambitions: the United States has Martin Luther King, Jr., and South Africa has Nelson Mandela, he says, but France has nobody similar—and will have Jean-Pascal Zadi.

Unlike the real-life Zadi (who’s an independent filmmaker, a rapper, a radio host, and a comedian on television), Jean-Pascal is an aspiring actor who’s struggling to get film roles because of the unchallenged stereotyping of Black people in French cinema. (In one audition, a white filmmaker considers him for the role of a character who’s a drug dealer, rapist, and Islamist; in another, the acclaimed director Mathieu Kassovitz, satirizing himself, rejects Jean-Pascal for not being African enough.) Though Jean-Pascal is sincere in expressing his rage against racial injustice, he’s also cynical enough to leverage his planned march for self-promotional purposes. In lieu of grassroots organizing, he advertises the event, and himself, through a series of Borat-like stunts—creating political street theatre, in controversial costumes, including dressing as an enslaved person. (For all their significance, “Simply Black” condenses these scenes into a rapid montage.) His performances go viral, but what makes him a celebrity is a stunt that goes awry: when he can’t get a meeting with the mayor of Paris, he bellows his protest through a megaphone and gets roughly arrested by a horde of police. The video of the incident gets shown and discussed on a very popular TV show, giving Jean-Pascal an in with French entertainers of color whom he counts on to amplify the event. As part of this promotion, Jean-Pascal also arranges to have himself filmed nearly constantly, for a documentary about himself, in the course of his workdays and nights.

His encounters with other French celebrities furnish the bulk of the movie (many, including Omar Sy, turn up as versions—sometimes, satirical ones—of themselves), and are crucial to Zadi’s keen political insights. “Simply Black” breezes right past the subject of ghettoization; it doesn’t peep into housing projects in the peripheral suburban neighborhoods that are kept strategically distant from the city. Rather, it depicts how even famous and prosperous Black entertainers endure exclusions and insults—and how cracks within the Black community, identity crises, and divisions form under that pressure. (Zadi has said that he was inspired by the Million Man March: “I found it funny to do a march against exclusion from which lots of people were excluded. That gave me a good baseline pitch.”)

Jean-Pascal has an outsider’s sense of resentment regarding the celebrities he meets—they have made it in show business, after all, while he has become famous for getting arrested, and his videos don’t translate into a career. Naïve, tone-deaf, and seemingly unself-aware, he is pugnaciously critical of Black entertainers. He reproaches the comedian Claudia Tagbo, who was born in Ivory Coast, for her jokes about African women. (She throws him out, physically, from her dressing room.) He antagonizes the journalist Kareen Guiock by insisting on calling her a “Black reporter” rather than just a reporter. He sparks a fight at a restaurant between the actors and directors Fabrice Éboué (who collaborated on the script) and Lucien Jean-Baptiste over their depiction of Black characters in their movies. Summoned by the comedians Ramzy and Melha Bedia, a brother and sister of Algerian descent, to expand the march to include French people from North Africa, he sparks three-way trouble between them, Black people, and Jewish allies (represented by the comedian Jonathan Cohen). Moreover, whenever Jean-Pascal meets activists involved in real-world politics, he manages to embarrass and humiliate himself.

All of these conflicts, and many more, are depicted with comedy ranging from wry to antic, from sotto voce to turbulently physical. (There’s also an extended sidebar involving the reputation of the French monologuist Dieudonné, who is now more notorious for his anti-Semitism and Holocaust denial than famous for his sense of humor.) For all the earnest diagnosis of race relations in a country that doesn’t recognize race, Zadi crafts an extraordinary comedic work of lilt and sparkle. The humor is amplified by a sense of wonder in seeing so many French personalities come together for common purpose as they negotiate the tightrope between commercial success and civic responsibility, between their public images as artists and their personal identities as members of marginalized communities in France. One of the crucial words in the film is “communautarisme,” communitarianism, a French term that’s used as a pejorative to characterize advocacy on behalf of one ethnicity or religion—and which Jean-Pascal aptly takes issue with. He eventually comes face to face with his inadequacy as an organizer and a promoter, and is ready to throw in the towel, until (avoiding spoilers) he endures yet more shocks—filmed with grand cinematic wit—that affirm the urgency of his cause.

Zadi started his movie career by making a documentary about hip-hop, in 2005, before launching himself as a feature-film director—which he did completely independently, with a tiny amount of private funding, co-produced by a rapper he’d worked with. He did this because he wanted to bypass the official process of subsidy, which, he said in a 2011 interview, would have meant a years-long delay. He added: “The stories I tell, I’m not sure that it interests the traditional cinema. . . . They’re stories that I see in my entourage but never in movies.” He made three features that way; “Simply Black” is his first film within the system, and it allows him to display his comedic virtuosity both on-camera and in his direction. Working with Wax (a white still photographer and music-video director who’s been his friend for a decade), Zadi appears to be directing from within the frame. His interactions with the other participants shape scenes that are largely improvised with a deft sense of pace and movement. The mockumentary format gives Zadi—who’s in every scene—a grand yet intimate showcase for his comedic artistry. Cannily aware of the camera, he glances into it periodically, with exquisite timing, conjuring a cinematic geometry that’s as much psychological as spatial. (These glances are reminiscent of the ones that the silent-comedy star and director Harry Langdon made a hallmark of his art.) “Simply Black” ’s crucial subject is the absence of a historic French civil-rights movement to inspire current-day protest—and the movie is, in some sense, an attempt to fill the void. Despite its antic comedy, it builds a serious case for political action, and for a future culture that expands its parameters both officially and aesthetically to include Black artists and their creative sensibilities.


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Virginia Democrats advance efforts to protect abortion, voting rights, marriage equality

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RICHMOND, Va. (AP) — Democrats who control both chambers of the Virginia legislature are hoping to make good on promises made on the campaign trail, including becoming the first Southern state to expand constitutional protections for abortion access.

The House Privileges and Elections Committee advanced three proposed constitutional amendments Wednesday, including a measure to protect reproductive rights. Its members also discussed measures to repeal a now-defunct state constitutional ban on same-sex marriage and ways to revise Virginia’s process to restore voting rights for people who served time for felony crimes.

“This meeting was an important next step considering the moment in history we find ourselves in,” Democratic Del. Cia Price, the committee chair, said during a news conference. “We have urgent threats to our freedoms that could impact constituents in all of the districts we serve.”

The at-times raucous meeting will pave the way for the House and Senate to take up the resolutions early next year after lawmakers tabled the measures last January. Democrats previously said the move was standard practice, given that amendments are typically introduced in odd-numbered years. But Republican Minority Leader Todd Gilbert said Wednesday the committee should not have delved into the amendments before next year’s legislative session. He said the resolutions, particularly the abortion amendment, need further vetting.

“No one who is still serving remembers it being done in this way ever,” Gilbert said after the meeting. “Certainly not for something this important. This is as big and weighty an issue as it gets.”

The Democrats’ legislative lineup comes after Republican Governor Glenn Youngkin, to the dismay of voting-rights advocates, rolled back a process to restore people’s civil rights after they completed sentences for felonies. Virginia is the only state that permanently bans anyone convicted of a felony from voting unless a governor restores their rights.

“This amendment creates a process that is bounded by transparent rules and criteria that will apply to everybody — it’s not left to the discretion of a single individual,” Del. Elizabeth Bennett-Parker, the patron of the voting rights resolution, which passed along party lines, said at the news conference.

Though Democrats have sparred with the governor over their legislative agenda, constitutional amendments put forth by lawmakers do not require his signature, allowing the Democrat-led House and Senate to bypass Youngkin’s blessing.

Instead, the General Assembly must pass proposed amendments twice in at least two years, with a legislative election sandwiched between each statehouse session. After that, the public can vote by referendum on the issues. The cumbersome process will likely hinge upon the success of all three amendments on Democrats’ ability to preserve their edge in the House and Senate, where they hold razor-thin majorities.

It’s not the first time lawmakers have attempted to champion the three amendments. Republicans in a House subcommittee killed a constitutional amendment to restore voting rights in 2022, a year after the measure passed in a Democrat-led House. The same subcommittee also struck down legislation supporting a constitutional amendment to repeal an amendment from 2006 banning marriage equality.

On Wednesday, a bipartisan group of lawmakers voted 16-5 in favor of legislation protecting same-sex marriage, with four Republicans supporting the resolution.

“To say the least, voters enacted this (amendment) in 2006, and we have had 100,000 voters a year become of voting age since then,” said Del. Mark Sickles, who sponsored the amendment as one of the first openly gay men serving in the General Assembly. “Many people have changed their opinions of this as the years have passed.”

A constitutional amendment protecting abortion previously passed the Senate in 2023 but died in a Republican-led House. On Wednesday, the amendment passed on party lines.

If successful, the resolution proposed by House Majority Leader Charniele Herring would be part of a growing trend of reproductive rights-related ballot questions given to voters. Since 2022, 18 questions have gone before voters across the U.S., and they have sided with abortion rights advocates 14 times.

The voters have approved constitutional amendments ensuring the right to abortion until fetal viability in nine states: Arizona, California, Colorado, Maryland, Michigan, Missouri, Montana, Ohio and Vermont. Voters also passed a right-to-abortion measure in Nevada in 2024, but it must be passed again in 2026 to be added to the state constitution.

As lawmakers debated the measure, roughly 18 members spoke. Mercedes Perkins, at 38 weeks pregnant, described the importance of women making decisions about their own bodies. Rhea Simon, another Virginia resident, anecdotally described how reproductive health care shaped her life.

Then all at once, more than 50 people lined up to speak against the abortion amendment.

“Let’s do the compassionate thing and care for mothers and all unborn children,” resident Sheila Furey said.

The audience gave a collective “Amen,” followed by a round of applause.

___

Associated Press writer Geoff Mulvihill in Cherry Hill, New Jersey, contributed to this report.

___

Olivia Diaz is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative.

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Trump chooses anti-vaccine activist Robert F. Kennedy Jr. as health secretary

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NEW YORK (AP) — President-elect Donald Trump says he will nominate anti-vaccine activist Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to lead the Department of Health and Human Services, putting him in charge of a massive agency that oversees everything from drug, vaccine and food safety to medical research and the social safety net programs Medicare and Medicaid.

“For too long, Americans have been crushed by the industrial food complex and drug companies who have engaged in deception, misinformation, and disinformation when it comes to Public Health,” Trump said in a post on his Truth Social site announcing the appointment. Kennedy, he said, would “Make America Great and Healthy Again!”

Kennedy, a former Democrat who ran as an independent in this year’s presidential race, abandoned his bid after striking a deal to give Trump his endorsement with a promise to have a role in health policy in the administration.

He and Trump have since become good friends, with Kennedy frequently receiving loud applause at Trump’s rallies.

The expected appointment was first reported by Politico Thursday.

A longtime vaccine skeptic, Kennedy is an attorney who has built a loyal following over several decades of people who admire his lawsuits against major pesticide and pharmaceutical companies. He has pushed for tighter regulations around the ingredients in foods.

With the Trump campaign, he worked to shore up support among young mothers in particular, with his message of making food healthier in the U.S., promising to model regulations imposed in Europe. In a nod to Trump’s original campaign slogan, he named the effort “Make America Healthy Again.”

It remains unclear how that will square with Trump’s history of deregulation of big industries, including food. Trump pushed for fewer inspections of the meat industry, for example.

Kennedy’s stance on vaccines has also made him a controversial figure among Democrats and some Republicans, raising question about his ability to get confirmed, even in a GOP-controlled Senate. Kennedy has espoused misinformation around the safety of vaccines, including pushing a totally discredited theory that childhood vaccines cause autism.

He also has said he would recommend removing fluoride from drinking water. The addition of the material has been cited as leading to improved dental health.

HHS has more than 80,000 employees across the country. It houses the Food and Drug Administration, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the Medicare and Medicaid programs and the National Institutes of Health.

Kennedy’s anti-vaccine nonprofit group, Children’s Health Defense, currently has a lawsuit pending against a number of news organizations, among them The Associated Press, accusing them of violating antitrust laws by taking action to identify misinformation, including about COVID-19 and COVID-19 vaccines. Kennedy took leave from the group when he announced his run for president but is listed as one of its attorneys in the lawsuit.

__ Seitz reported from Washington.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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In Cyprus, Ukrainians learn how to dispose of landmines that kill and maim hundreds

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NICOSIA, Cyprus (AP) — In a Cypriot National Guard camp, Ukrainians are being trained on how to identify, locate and dispose of landmines and other unexploded munitions that litter huge swaths of their country, killing and maiming hundreds of people, including children.

Analysts say Ukraine is among the countries that are the most affected by landmines and discarded explosives, as a result of Russia’s ongoing war.

According to U.N. figures, some 399 people have been killed and 915 wounded from landmines and other munitions since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on Feb. 24, 2022, equal to the number of casualties reported from 2014-2021. More than 1 in 10 of those casualties have been children.

The economic impact is costing billions to the Ukrainian economy. Landmines and other munitions are preventing the sowing of 5 million hectares, or 10%, of the country’s agricultural land.

Cyprus stepped up to offer its facilities as part of the European Union’s Military Assistance Mission to Ukraine. So far, almost 100 Ukrainian armed forces personnel have taken part in three training cycles over the last two years, said Cyprus Foreign Ministry spokesperson Theodoros Gotsis.

“We are committed to continuing this support for as long as it takes,” Gotsis told the Associated Press, adding that the Cyprus government has covered the 250,000 euro ($262,600) training cost.

Cyprus opted to offer such training owing to its own landmine issues dating back five decades when the island nation was ethnically divided when Turkey invaded following a coup that sought union with Greece. The United Nations has removed some 27,000 landmines from a buffer zone that cuts across the island, but minefields remain on either side. The Cypriot government says it has disposed of all anti-personnel mines in line with its obligations under an international treaty that bans the use of such munitions.

In Cyprus, Ukrainians undergo rigorous theoretical and practical training over a five-week Basic Demining and Clearance course that includes instruction on distinguishing and safely handling landmines and other explosive munitions, such as rockets, 155 mm artillery shells, rocket-propelled grenades and mortar shells.

Theoretical training uses inert munitions identical to the actual explosives.

Most of the course is comprised of hands-on training focusing on the on-site destruction of unexploded munitions using explosives, the chief training officer told the Associated Press. The officer spoke on condition of anonymity because he’s not authorized to disclose his identity for security reasons.

“They’re trained on ordnance disposal using real explosives,” the officer said. “That will be the trainees’ primary task when they return.”

Cypriot officials said the Ukrainian trainees did not want to be either interviewed or photographed.

Defusing discarded munitions or landmines in areas where explosive charges can’t be used — for instance, near a hospital — is not part of this course because that’s the task of highly trained teams of disposal experts whose training can last as long as eight months, the officer said.

Trainees, divided into groups of eight, are taught how to operate metal detectors and other tools for detecting munitions like prodders — long, thin rods which are used to gently probe beneath the ground’s surface in search of landmines and other explosive ordnance.

Another tool is a feeler, a rod that’s used to detect booby-trapped munitions. There are many ways to booby-trap such munitions, unlike landmines which require direct pressure to detonate.

“Booby-trapped munitions are a widespread phenomenon in Ukraine,” the chief training officer explained.

Training, primarily conducted by experts from other European Union countries, takes place both in forested and urban areas at different army camps and follows strict safety protocols.

The short, intense training period keeps the Ukrainians focused.

“You see the interest they show during instruction: they ask questions, they want to know what mistakes they’ve made and the correct way of doing it,” the officer said.

Humanitarian data and analysis group ACAPS said in a Jan. 2024 report that 174,000 sq. kilometers (67,182 sq. miles) or nearly 29% of Ukraine’s territory needs to be surveyed for landmines and other explosive ordnance.

More than 10 million people are said to live in areas where demining action is needed.

Since 2022, Russian forces have used at least 13 types of anti-personnel mines, which target people. Russia never signed the 1997 Ottawa Convention banning the use of anti-personnel mines, but the use of such mines is nonetheless considered a violation of its obligations under international law.

Russia also uses 13 types of anti-tank mines.

The International Campaign to Ban Landmines said in its 2023 Landmine Monitor report that Ukrainian government forces may have also used antipersonnel landmines in contravention of the Mine Ban Treaty in and around the city of Izium during 2022, when the city was under Russian control.

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