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Sri Lanka marching towards authoritarian security politics – East Asia Forum

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Author: Shyamika Jayasundara-Smits, Erasmus University Rotterdam

It was an eventful year in Sri Lankan politics in 2019. If not a year of crisis, perhaps the term chaos sums it up most accurately.

The year started with several political tugs-of-war between former president Maithripala Sirisena and former prime minister Ranil Wickramasinghe, after Sirisena sacked Wickramasinghe and swore-in Mahinda Rajapaksa , quite unconstitutionally. These dramatic events paved the way for more political problems later in the year and eventually led to the end of the so-called Yahapalanya (good governance) coalition government.

Jihadist-inspired bombings in April 2019 created a security crisis on top of the deepening political crisis. Failing to prevent these Easter attacks and mishandling the aftermath proved to be the last nail in Yahapalanaya’s coffin. The electorate’s response to these events was clear at the presidential election held in November 2019, which brought the Rajapaksas back to power. The Rajapaksas secured 52.25 per cent of the vote, almost all from the Sinhala Buddhist constituency that played a key role in sending the Rajapaksas packing just over five years ago amid serious allegations of corruption and nepotism.

The 2019 political crisis was a long time in the making. The controversial handover of Hambantota Port to China in 2017 on a 99-year lease, after the new government failed to repay loans taken out under the previous regime, became an issue. Controversies surrounding the port’s handover went beyond economic concerns, sparking endless spats between Sirisena and Wickramasinghe, the former leaning towards China and the latter towards the United States. They accused one another of undermining Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and of angering India, China and the United States.

The most dramatic scandal was the Central Bank bond scam, which placed Wickramasinghe in the political spotlight. Set up at the direction of Sirisena, the Bond Commission inquiry made political history. This was the first time in Sri Lanka’s history that a sitting prime minister had been summoned before a presidential commission of inquiry.

The SLRs 10 billion (US$55 million) bond scandal certainly eroded the public’s trust in the government. Although the prime minister protested his innocence, predatory forces close to the United National Party — Wickramasinghe’s party — were shown by the inquiry to have held key stakes in the scam. This scandal helped turned the tables in favour of the Rajapaksa clan, who wasted no time exploiting the fiasco to their own advantage. The scandal helped them win the 2018 local government elections, and eventually, the presidential elections of November 2019.

The renewal of the Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA) and the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) with the United States also created waves. The ACSA was signed in 2007 under the Rajapaksa regime and was renewed in August 2017. But in 2019, the terms of the renewal caused political heat in Colombo and drew serious criticism from the public over the government’s apparent abandonment of Sri Lankan sovereignty.

The new terms of the agreement also raised suspicions from both China and India. Divisions between the seemingly pro-United States Wickramasinghe and the pro-China Sirisena were on stark display. The timing of the renewal proved bad luck for Wickramasinghe. Unsurprisingly, the populist candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa strategically remained silent on the issue during his presidential election campaign.

To explain this past year’s political crisis, one cannot ignore the ‘narcissism of small differences’ that characterised the relationship between Sirisena and Wickramasinghe. Although both Sirisena and Wickramsinghe are veterans of Sri Lanka’s political scene, their political behaviour during the Yahapaalanaya government showed political immaturity, childishness and arrogance. Their clashing egos also curtailed their ability to jointly deliver on key election promises.

So, what can Sri Lanka look forward to in 2020?

President Rajapaksa has clearly indicated that national security will be his number one priority. Almost all of his new policies rest on this single imperative, as well as on a promise to deliver ‘order’ and ‘prosperity’. His approach is forward-looking and pragmatic — convenient given the ghosts of his past, including alleged war crimes, which have not yet fully faded away.

On the economic front, Rajapaksa is recasting the old dream of being the ‘new Singapore’. This requires both stability and security as preconditions. The first casualties of his pragmatic approach will probably be freedom of speech, civil liberties and parts of the constitution that protect them, especially the 19th Amendment. Abolishing the amendment will pave the way for Rajapaksa to reinstate the executive presidential powers that were done away with in 2015.

Internationally, Sri Lanka will continue its drift eastwards away from the West. An unfolding diplomatic spat between Switzerland and Sri Lanka, which began within days of Rajapaksa’s election, serves an early warning of Colombo’s foreign policy of intolerance towards the West. Meanwhile, a friendlier approach towards neighbouring India is already on display, as well as a strategic balancing act with China. But over time, management of this relationship will require more political wit and skill from the ruling regime. Both India and China appear to be the most helpful partners able to deliver on promises of economic prosperity, political stability and security.

Given all of this, Sri Lanka appears to be inching towards a more authoritarian security politics — governance controlled by experts on violence, leaving very little room for democratic dissident voices and in addressing the enduring grievances of minority communities in the country.

Shyamika Jayasundara-Smits is Assistant Professor in conflict and peace studies at the International Institute of Social Studies (ISS), Erasmus University Rotterdam.

This article is part of an EAF special feature series on 2019 in review and the year ahead.

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Here is the latest on the New Brunswick election

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The New Brunswick Liberal Party has won a majority government, and Susan Holt will become the first woman to lead the province.

Here’s the latest from election night. All times are ADT.

10:15 p.m.

The results of the New Brunswick election are in, and with virtually all of the ballots counted, the Liberals won 31 seats out of 49.

The Progressive Conservatives won 16 seats.

The Green Party won two.

Voter turnout was about 66 per cent.

10 p.m.

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has congratulated New Brunswick Liberal Leader Susan Holt for her party’s victory in the provincial election.

Trudeau says on the X platform he’s looking forward to working with Holt to build more homes, protect the country’s two official languages, and improve health care.

9:48 p.m.

During her victory speech tonight in Fredericton, New Brunswick premier-designate Susan Holt thanked all the women who came before her.

Holt will become the first woman to lead the province after her party won a majority government in the New Brunswick election.

The Liberals are elected or leading in 31 of 49 ridings.

9:30 p.m.

Blaine Higgs says he will begin a transition to replace him as leader of the Progressive Conservatives.

After being in power for six years, the Tories lost the election to the Liberals.

Higgs, who lost his seat of Quispamsis, says, “My leadership days are over.”

9:17 p.m.

The Canadian Press is projecting that Blaine Higgs, leader of the Progressive Conservative Party of New Brunswick since 2016, has lost in the riding of Quispamsis.

Higgs, 70, has been premier of New Brunswick since 2018, and was first elected to the legislature in 2010.

8:45 p.m.

When asked about the election results, Progressive Conservative chief of staff Paul D’Astous says that over the last 18 months the party has had to contend with a number of caucus members who disagreed with its policy.

D’Astous says the Tories have also had to own what happened over the last six years, since they came to power in 2018, adding that the voters have spoken.

8:39 p.m.

The Canadian Press is projecting that David Coon, leader of the New Brunswick Green Party, has won the riding of Fredericton Lincoln.

Coon, 67, has been leader of the party since 2014, the year he was first elected to the legislature.

8:36 p.m.

The Canadian Press is projecting that the New Brunswick Liberal Party has won a majority government in the provincial election.

Party leader Susan Holt will become the first woman premier in the province’s history.

8:20 p.m.

Early returns show a number of close races across the province, with the Liberals off to an early lead.

Liberal campaign manager Katie Davey says the results will show whether party leader Susan Holt, a relative newcomer, was able to capture the attention and trust of the people of New Brunswick.

Davey says she believes voters have welcomed Holt and her message, which focused on pocketbook issues, especially health care.

8 p.m.

Polls have closed.

Eyes will be on a number of key ridings including Fredericton South-Silverwood, where Liberal Leader Susan Holt is vying for a seat; Saint John Harbour, which has been competitive between the Tories and Liberals in recent elections; and Moncton East, a redrawn Tory-held riding that the Liberals have targeted.

At dissolution, the Conservatives held 25 seats in the 49-seat legislature. The Liberals held 16 seats, the Greens had three, there was one Independent and there were four vacancies.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Oct. 21, 2024.

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A look at Susan Holt, Liberal premier-designate of New Brunswick

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FREDERICTON – A look at Susan Holt, premier-designate and leader of the New Brunswick Liberal party.

Born: April 22, 1977.

Early years: Raised in Fredericton, she attended Queen’s University in Kingston, Ont., and then spent a year in Toronto before moving abroad for three years, spending time in Australia and India.

Education: Earned a bachelor of arts in economics and a bachelor of science in chemistry from Queen’s University.

Family: Lives in Fredericton with her husband, Jon Holt, and three young daughters.

Hobbies: Running, visiting the farmers market in Fredericton with her family every Saturday.

Before politics: CEO of the Fredericton Chamber of Commerce, CEO of the New Brunswick Business Council, civil servant, business lobbyist, advocate, consultant and executive with an IT service company that trains and employs Indigenous people.

Politics: Worked as an adviser to former Liberal premier Brian Gallant. Won the leadership of the provincial Liberal party in August 2022 and was elected to the legislature in an April 2023 byelection.

Quote: “We don’t take it lightly that you have put your trust in myself and my team, and you have hope for a brighter future. But that hope I know is short-lived and it will be on us to deliver authentically, on the ground, and openly and transparently.” — Susan Holt, in her speech to supporters in Fredericton after the Liberals won a majority government on Oct. 21, 2024.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Oct. 21, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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New Brunswick Liberals win majority, Susan Holt first woman to lead province

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FREDERICTON – New Brunswick voters have elected a Liberal majority government, tossing out the incumbent Progressive Conservatives after six years in power and handing the reins to the first woman ever to lead the province.

Liberal Leader Susan Holt is a relative newcomer to the province’s political scene, having won a byelection last year, eight months after she became the first woman to win the leadership of the party.

The Liberals appeared poised to take 31 of 49 seats to the Conservatives’ 16 and the Greens two.

Holt, 47, led the Liberals to victory after a 33-day campaign, thwarting Blaine Higgs’s bid to secure a third term as Tory premier.

The Liberal win marks a strong repudiation of Higgs’s pronounced shift to more socially conservative policies.

Higgs, meanwhile, lost in his riding of Quispamsis. In a speech to supporters in the riding, he confirmed that he would begin a leadership transition process.

As the Liberals secured their majority, Green Party Leader David Coon thanked his supporters and pledged to continue building the party, but he then turned his sights on the premier. “One thing is for sure,” he told a crowd gathered at Dolan’s Pub in Fredericton, “we know that Blaine Higgs is no longer the premier of this province.”

The election race was largely focused on health care and affordability but was notable for the remarkably dissimilar campaign styles of Holt and Higgs. Holt repeatedly promised to bring a balanced approach to governing, pledging a sharp contrast to Higgs’s “one-man show taking New Brunswick to the far right.”

“We need a government that acts as a partner and not as a dictator from one office in Fredericton,” she said in a recent interview with The Canadian Press.

Higgs focused on the high cost of living, promising to lower the provincial harmonized sales tax by two percentage points to 13 per cent — a pledge that will cost the province about $450 million annually.

Holt spent much of the campaign rolling out proposed fixes for a health-care system racked by a doctor shortage, overcrowded emergency rooms and long wait-times. A former business advocate and public servant, she promised to open 30 community health clinics across the province by 2028; remove the provincial sales tax from electricity bills; overhaul mental health services; and impose a three per cent cap on rent increases by 2025.

The 70-year-old Tory leader, a mechanical engineer and former Irving Oil executive, led a low-key campaign, during which he didn’t have any scheduled public events on at least 10 days — and was absent from the second leaders debate on Oct. 9.

Holt missed only two days of campaigning and submitted a 30-page platform with 100 promises, a far heftier document than the Tories’ two-page platform that includes 11 pledges.

When the election was called on Sept. 19, the Conservatives held 25 seats in the 49-seat legislature. The Liberals held 16 seats, the Green Party had three, there was one Independent and four vacancies. At least 25 seats are needed for a majority.

Higgs was hoping to become the first New Brunswick premier to win three consecutive elections since Liberal Frank McKenna won his third straight majority in 1995. But it was clear from the start that Higgs would have to overcome some big obstacles.

On the first day of the campaign, a national survey showed he had the lowest approval rating of any premier in the country. That same morning, Higgs openly mused about how he was perceived by the public, suggesting people had the wrong idea about who he really is.

“I really wish that people could know me outside of politics,” he said, adding that a sunnier disposition might increase his popularity. “I don’t know whether I’ve got to do comedy hour or I’ve got to smile more.”

Still, Higgs had plenty to boast about, including six consecutive balanced budgets, a significant reduction in the province’s debt, income tax cuts and a booming population.

Higgs’s party was elected to govern in 2018, when the Tories formed the province’s first minority government in almost 100 years. In 2020, he called a snap election — marking the first province to go to the polls during the COVID-19 pandemic — and won a slim majority.

Since then, 14 Tory caucus members have stepped down after clashing with the premier, some of them citing what they described as an authoritarian leadership style and a focus on conservative policies that represented a hard shift to the right.

A caucus revolt erupted last year after Higgs announced changes to the gender identity policy in schools. When several Tory lawmakers voted for an external review of the change, Higgs dropped dissenters from cabinet. A bid by some party members to trigger a leadership review went nowhere.

Higgs has also said a Tory government would reject all new applications for supervised drug-consumption sites, renew a legal challenge against the federal carbon pricing scheme and force people into drug treatment if authorities deem they “pose a threat to themselves or others.”

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Oct. 21, 2024.

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