The demise of the Special Committee on Canada-China Relations is not a good look
Author of the article:
Terry Glavin
Publishing date:
Dec 22, 2021 • 8 hours ago • 5 minute read • 141 Comments
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It was one of Parliament’s only open windows into the Trudeau government’s secretive dealings with Xi Jinping’s regime in Beijing. It was one of the few vantage points available for Canadians to get a glimpse of the Chinese regime’s influence operations in Canada.
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Now it’s gone, at least for now, and while the Liberals’ aversion to any scrutiny of its China diplomacy is well known, it’s falling to the Conservative Party to shake off suspicions that its own internal calculus is the reason why the House of Commons Special Committee on Canada-China Relations is no more.
“Conservatives are not going soft on China,” Michael Chong, the Conservatives’ shadow minister for foreign affairs, told me Tuesday. “It’s not true. It’s just not true. I want to scream it from the rooftops. The Conservative Party’s position on China remains unchanged, full stop.”
And it is true enough, as far as it goes, but it’s going to be hard for the Conservatives to argue that they’re not getting squeamish about their party’s focus on the Xi regime’s malignant conduct in China, in Canada and abroad — no matter how broadly the party’s policy accords with overwhelming Canadian public opinion.
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During the September federal election campaign, the Conservatives were battered by a disinformation operation carried out by Beijing and its proxies in Canada that cost them votes in 13 ridings across Canada, an internal party review has concluded. In as many as three ridings, it’s likely that the operation was effective enough to tip the scales in favour of the Liberal candidates.
The Conservatives managed to establish the Special Committee over the Liberals’ objections in December 2019, but Conservative leader Erin O’Toole won’t be seeing to its restoration when Parliament resumes January 31. Chong makes a persuasive case that the reason is largely a matter of logistics.
The technical capacities of the pandemic-accommodating “hybrid” Parliament are such that for now, apart from the House of Commons’ two dozen standing committees, there’s no resources to run a third Special Committee on top of the new Special Committee on Afghanistan, a Conservative initiative, and the Liberals’ new Standing Committee on Science and Research. Chong said there’s a good chance the Special Committee on Canada-China Relations could be up and running again by June.
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Even so, it’s not a good look. David Mulroney, a senior fellow with the University of Toronto’s Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy and a former ambassador to China, described the Special Committee’s demise as a “kneecapping,” describing the event this way: “A committee where we learned about Chinese influence operations is shot down by a Chinese influence operation.”
The Atlantic Council’s Forensic Research Lab and the Canadian NGO Disinfo Watch have conducted analyses of the September election that accord with the Conservative Party’s internal assessment and bear out warnings from the Canadian Security Intelligence Service delivered to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau last summer. The Atlantic Council’s researchers concluded: “China-linked actors took an active role in seeking to influence the September 20, 2021 parliamentary election in Canada, displaying signs of a coordinated campaign to influence behaviour among the Chinese diaspora voting in the election.”
That campaign was laser-focused on the Conservatives’ proposal for a foreign agents registration law along the lines of the Australian model. In Chinese-language media and in a variety of China-based social platforms, where CSIS says Beijing’s influence operations have been “normalized,” the proposed law was represented in routinely hysterical terms, to the effect that Chinese-Canadians would be forced to register en masse as foreign agents for merely maintaining relations with businesses or family members back in the Peoples Republic of China.
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The Conservative proposal was the subject of a private members’ bill put forward by the popular Metro Vancouver MP Kenny Chiu, whose campaign was badgered constantly with disinformation. Chiu ended up losing to his Liberal opponent by 3,000 votes. Ironically, the Conservative’s proposed law, which would merely require lobbyists and agents of foreign powers to register with Ottawa, has been more convincingly criticized for being too lenient.
Tarun Krishnakumar, a researcher with the Foreign Influence Transparency Initiative at the Center for International Policy in Washington, D.C., describes the Conservatives’ proposed law as “extremely limited in terms of the range of influence activities it aims to cover.” It fails to take into account the diverse targets and channels of foreign influence campaigns, and would apply only to “an extremely narrow slice of the overall influence and interference spectrum identified by agencies including the Canadian Security Intelligence Service.”
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Chong said the Conservatives took a beating at polls in many ridings where Chinese diaspora communities are concentrated not because of the Conservatives’ actual policies, but because of the way they were distorted, misrepresented, and mischaracterized as racist and far right. That’s another irony, since the party’s carefully articulated standpoints would be perfectly suitable to any party across the political spectrum that pays close attention to the Xi regime’s domestic and foreign belligerence and bullying. The positions staked out by the Conservatives are also direct responses to the specific appeals of Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Chinese human rights defenders, Hong Kong Democrats, Canada’s Uyghur community, the Taiwanese diaspora, and so on.
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It hasn’t helped that among the Conservative dissenters calling for Erin O’Toole to be subjected to an early leadership review is Burt Chen, a now-deposed member of the Conservative Party’s national council, who protested that O’Toole has been too hard on China. And a self-described Chinese-Canadian Conservative organization, not affiliated with the party but aligned with Beijing, blasted O’Toole for the “hatred” embedded in the Conservatives’ policies, slammed Canada for having “started the war” that led to the arrests of Michel Kovrig and Michael Spavor, objected to Canadians raising concerns about human rights in China, and spoke out in support of Beijing’s military overflights of Taiwan’s air-defence zone.
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So it’s a mess, Chong said. “It wasn’t all our fault, but we certainly didn’t help ourselves.” The Conservatives’ “war room” didn’t have a single Mandarin or Cantonese speaker on staff. While CSIS has outlined the alarming extent of pro-Beijing control of Chinese-language media and social-media platforms popular in Canada, the Conservatives should have been ready with a rapid-response strategy to counter all the propaganda. “Even if we had one we might have been on our back heel, but at least we’d have had a fighting chance.”
Beijing’s well-documented “elite capture” strategy in Canada and its multi-dimensional influence operations are matters of urgent national security and sovereignty, Chong said — matters far too important to avoid confronting, even if it will mean losing some votes in certain ridings.
But for now, at least, there will be no Special Committee on Canada-China Relations to shine a light on any of this.
The similarities between Caroline Mulroney’s eulogy for her father and Justin Trudeau’s homage to his ‘Papa’ were impossible to ignore
Published Mar 29, 2024 • Last updated 1 hour ago • 4 minute read
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There were many heartfelt tributes to former prime minister Brian Mulroney during his state funeral at Montreal’s Notre-Dame Basilica on March 23. One that caught significant attention was the eulogy by his daughter, Caroline, a cabinet minister in Ontario Premier Doug Ford’s government.
The legion of family, friends and political cohorts that day had a good laugh over a particular remark that Mulroney made. “Speeches were such a major part of his life,” she said, “that he told us that when it was his turn to go up to what he called that great political rally in the sky, he wanted us to bury him with his podium.”
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Indeed, it’s a great line — and it rings true in every fibre of its being!
That’s not what struck me about Mulroney’s speech, however. Rather, it was the passionate words, raw emotion and cadence she employed when describing her late father. She had lived in his massive (and unavoidable) shadow. His formidable presence followed her in every step she took — but in a good way. What he specifically meant to her, the family and our country was mapped out on one of the biggest stages she’ll ever encounter in her life.
So much so, that one person sitting in the Basilica — who also gave a eulogy — may have felt, if but for a fleeting moment, that he was experiencing déjà vu: Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. (We’ll get to him shortly.)
“There was a destiny attached to my father, that even in his youth, no one could deny,” Mulroney said in one poignant moment. “Even prime minister (John) Diefenbaker at the peak of his powers, wrote a letter to my grandfather, extolling his son’s potential after his first encounter with my dad.”
She continued, “My dad saw the world in a bigger way than most. His humanity defined him. Which is why he transcended politics and connected with people in a way that left an indelible mark on their hearts and souls. In our grief, our family is comforted and so grateful for the universal outpouring of affection and admiration for what my father meant to them and to Canada.”
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Her concluding lines tugged at the heartstrings of one’s soul. “We are heartbroken by our loss. We adored him. I miss you daddy.”
It was a wonderful eulogy that her father — who I knew, admired and respected — would have been proud of. Words mattered to him. He loved language and prose, and mastered them to perfection. The art of writing, speaking and storytelling were gifts from God.
When I watched Mulroney speak at the state funeral of her beloved father, I was instantly reminded of Trudeau’s eulogy at the state funeral of his beloved father.
The man who would become Canada’s 23rd prime minister was a relatively unknown figure when he walked to the lectern on Oct. 4, 2000. There had been various images of him in the media, but he had largely avoided the spotlight. His father’s massive shadow and formidable presence, much like Caroline Mulroney’s father, was always there — but in a good way.
When Trudeau spoke that day, it was the biggest audience of his young life. He did extremely well. His speech was emotional, powerful and deeply personal.
“Pierre Elliott Trudeau. The very words convey so many things to so many people,” he said. “Statesman, intellectual, professor, adversary, outdoorsman, lawyer, journalist, author, prime minister. But more than anything, to me, he was dad. And what a dad. He loved us with the passion and the devotion that encompassed his life. He taught us to believe in ourselves, to stand up for ourselves, to know ourselves and to accept responsibility for ourselves. We knew we were the luckiest kids in the world. And we had done nothing to actually deserve it.”
There’s also this passage which perfectly encapsulates Trudeau’s love for his father and what he believed he did for the nation. “My father’s fundamental belief never came from a textbook. It stemmed from his deep love for and faith in all Canadians and over the past few days, with every card, every rose, every tear, every wave and every pirouette, you returned his love … He left politics in ’84, but he came back for Meech, he came back for Charlottetown, he came back to remind us of who we are and what we’re all capable of.”
And finally, this concluding sentiment. “But he won’t be coming back any more. It’s all up to us — all of us — now. The woods are lovely, dark and deep. He has kept his promises and earned his sleep. Je t’aime, Papa.”
Mulroney and Trudeau, much like their fathers, are different people with different strengths, weaknesses and political ideologies. The similarities are equally impossible to ignore. Scions of two impressive public figures. Children who walk in the giant footsteps their fathers left behind. Two impressive eulogies at different points in their lives and careers that will be remembered forever.
There’s one other similarity that could be on the horizon. Trudeau used his eulogy to springboard into the public eye, politics and leadership. Mulroney is already in the public eye and politics. She unsuccessfully ran for the Ontario PC leadership in 2019, but didn’t have the presence, confidence or speaking ability that she did during her eulogy. That moment has finally arrived, and it’s up to her to use it as wisely as Trudeau did.
Former cabinet minister is the latest Tory rebel to exit politics
Published Mar 28, 2024 • Last updated 12 hours ago • 3 minute read
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Progressive Conservative stalwart Trevor Holder, the province’s longest-serving MLA in the legislature, is bowing out of politics, becoming the latest Tory rebel to make that call ahead of the provincial election.
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In the legislature Thursday, Holder, who has served the Saint John riding of Portland-Simonds for the last 25 years and was a cabinet minister under three premiers, made the announcement, thanking all his colleagues “regardless of political stripe” who later rose in the House to give him a round of applause.
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“All I ever wanted – along with all of you – was a chance to help make (New Brunswick) better than it already is,” said Holder, who described himself as a “north-end kid” from Saint John.
Holder didn’t make himself available to the media after his announcement. He also didn’t formally resign on Thursday, sending a note out to reporters that he “won’t be back in May” but hasn’t “set the official date yet” for his resignation.
News of his exit comes less than a year after Holder resigned as the province’s minister of post-secondary education, training and labour, citing the impact of Premier Blaine Higgs’s top-down leadership style on caucus decision-making.
Holder was the second minister to resign from cabinet last June amid Tory caucus infighting over changes to the province’s gender identity policy for public school students.
Fellow Saint John MLA and Tory stalwart Dorothy Shephard was the first to resign from cabinet last summer, giving up her post as minister of social development before announcing last week she won’t reoffer in the upcoming election this fall.
Shephard also cited Higgs’s leadership style in her decision to leave cabinet.
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During his speech Thursday, Holder made a point to thank Higgs “for the conversations over the last number of days leading up to my decision here.”
Higgs later told media he didn’t know Holder’s exact plans for the future but knew the Saint John MLA had “opportunities.”
“He’s a great statesman in the legislature and certainly his care for his community is genuine,” the premier said.
When asked if he had addressed Holder’s concerns about caucus decision-making, Higgs said he thought so but acknowledged he’s “always struggled with things not getting done at a certain level of pace.”
“It’s rare if you ever come out of caucus or cabinet with unanimous decisions,” he said.
“There’s always a degree of differences, and that’s not going to change, but leadership requires real decisions and you’re not everything to everybody, so you do what you believe is right and you do with it conviction and you hope it’s just the right thing to do.”
Holder ‘a truly progressive conservative’: Coon
Both opposition leaders spoke glowingly of Holder’s commitment to provincial politics.
“He was a real asset to the legislature, he was a real pleasure to work with, so it’s a loss to see him leaving the legislative assembly,” Liberal leader Susan Holt told media Thursday.
That was echoed by Green leader David Coon.
“(Holder’s) very committed to improving our system of government and he’s made real contributions to doing so,” Coon said. “I’m sad to see him go. He’s truly a progressive conservative in the truest meaning of that term.”
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In his 16-minute speech, Holder spoke of the importance of bipartisanship, describing his relationship with former Liberal cabinet minister Victor Boudreau.
They used to “tear each other” up in the House, Holder recalled, but “when I was in opposition, (Boudreau) helped me with my constituents, and when I was in government, I did my best to do the same for him – and this is how this legislature needs to work.”
First elected at the age of 25 in June 1999, Holder has won a total of six elections over the course of his 25-year provincial political career. He’s a former minister of environment and local government, tourism and parks, wellness, culture and sport, and tourism, heritage and culture. He also served as deputy speaker.
Holder thanked his wife Brenda Thursday, along with their two daughters, Margaret and Katherine, for their support over the course of his political career.
Holder’s and Shephard’s departure announcements are the latest in a string of changes within the Tory caucus ahead of the election.
In February, fellow Saint John colleague Arlene Dunn abruptly resigned from her ministerial and MLA duties. Meanwhile, colleagues Daniel Allain, Jeff Carr and Ross Wetmore – who were part of the Tory rebels who supported a Liberal motion on Policy 713 changes – have announced they won’t reoffer in the next election.
Wetmore had announced his retirement intentions before the Policy 713 kerfuffle.
Fellow rebel Andrea Anderson-Mason, MLA for Fundy-The Isles-Saint John West, has yet to announce her plans.
The vote in the House of Commons last week on Israel’s war against Hamas represents a shift in both Canada’s foreign policy and its domestic politics.
The Liberal government is now markedly more supportive of the rights of Palestinians and less supportive of the state of Israel than in the past. That shift mirrors changing demographics, and the increasing importance of Muslim voters within the Liberal coalition.
Both the Liberal and Conservative parties once voiced unqualified support for Israel’s right to defend itself from hostile neighbours. But the Muslim community is growing in Canada. Today it represents 5 per cent of the population, compared with 1 per cent who identify as Jewish.
Although data is sparse prior to 2015, it is believed that Muslim Canadians tended to prefer the Liberal Party over the Conservative Party. They were also less likely to vote than the general population.
But the Conservative Party under Stephen Harper deeply angered the community with talk about “barbaric cultural practices” and musing during the 2015 election campaign about banning public servants from wearing the niqab. Meanwhile, Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau was promising to bring in 25,000 Syrian refugees to Canada if elected.
These factors galvanized community groups to encourage Muslims to vote. And they did. According to an Environics poll, 79 per cent of eligible Muslims cast a ballot in the 2015 election, compared with an overall turnout of 68 per cent. Sixty-five per cent of Muslim voters cast ballots for the Liberal Party, compared with 10 per cent who voted for the NDP and just 2 per cent for the Conservatives. (Telephone interviews of 600 adults across Canada who self-identified as Muslim, were conducted between Nov. 19, 2015 and Jan. 23, 2016, with an expected margin of error of plus or minus 4 percentage points 19 times out of 20.)
Muslim Canadians also strongly supported the Liberals in the elections of 2019 and 2021. The party is understandably anxious not to lose that support. I’m told that Foreign Affairs Minister Mélanie Joly often mentions the large Muslim community in her Montreal riding. (According to the 2021 census, 18 per cent of the people in Ahuntsic-Cartierville identify as Muslim.)
This is one reason why the Liberal leadership laboured so mightily to find a way to support last week’s NDP motion that would, among other measures, have recognized the state of Palestine. The Liberal caucus was deeply divided on the issue. My colleague Marieke Walsh reports that dozens of Liberal MPs were prepared to vote for the NDP motion.
In the end, almost all Liberal MPs ended up voting for a watered-down version of the motion – statehood recognition was taken off the table – while three Liberal MPs voted against it. One of them, Anthony Housefather, is considering whether to remain inside the Liberal caucus.
This is not simply a question of political calculation. Many Canadians are deeply concerned over the sufferings of the people in Gaza as the Israel Defence Forces seek to root out Hamas fighters.
The Conservatives enjoy the moral clarity of their unreserved support for the state of Israel in this conflict. The NDP place greater emphasis on supporting the rights of Palestinians.
The Liberals have tried to keep both Jewish and Muslim constituencies onside. But as last week’s vote suggests, they increasingly accord a high priority to the rights of Palestinians and to the Muslim community in Canada.
As with other religious communities, Muslims are hardly monolithic. Someone who comes to Canada from Senegal may have different values and priorities than a Canadian who comes from Syria or Pakistan or Indonesia.
And the plight of Palestinians in Gaza may not be the only issue influencing Muslims, who struggle with inflation, interest rates and housing affordability as much as other voters.
Many new Canadians come from societies that are socially conservative. Some Muslim voters may be uncomfortable with the Liberal Party’s strong support for the rights of LGBTQ Canadians.
Finally, Muslim voters for whom supporting the rights of Palestinians is the ballot question may be drawn more to the NDP than the Liberals.
Regardless, the days of Liberal/Conservative bipartisan consensus in support of Israel are over. This is the new lay of the land.
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