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The China real estate crisis is threatening China's economy – Grid

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This summer, hundreds of thousands of Chinese people have sent angry messages to developers, banks and local governments that have reverberated in Beijing’s halls of power. “You stop construction, I stop paying my mortgage,” says one letter, sent on behalf of 7,200 households that bought deeds in the same property development in Chongqing. “You hand over the apartment, I start paying.”

Similar threats have been made — and in some cases carried out — across 328 property developments in nearly 100 cities. Some of the messages have appeared briefly on Chinese social media platforms before being scrubbed by censors. But their echoes remain — the letters have been preserved on a crowdsourced website titled WeNeedHome — as does the fury. The mortgage boycotts are posing a fresh challenge for the government in a country where widespread dissent is uncommon and other economic troubles loom large.

What has prompted so many people to speak out? The short answer is that construction has stalled at apartment complexes across the country — apartments that have eaten up many people’s life savings. The long answer traces to deep-seated problems in China’s real estate sector that have been brewing for decades and laid bare over the past two years.

China’s property boom has been a huge driver of the country’s economic growth — the sector is responsible for around one-quarter of GDP. But now a pair of factors has brought developers to their knees: China’s economic headwinds — due primarily to its strict “zero-covid” policy that has locked down entire cities — and a government effort to rein in the real estate industry’s soaring debt.

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“We are in the midst of a slow-motion crisis,” Logan Wright, a partner at Rhodium Group who leads the firm’s China markets research, told Grid. “I would view the property sector’s distress as absolutely central to China’s current economic slowdown.”

Roots of the crisis: deflating the bubble

That “slow-motion crisis” has many roots. To some extent, it was planned: The government explicitly wanted to cool down the red-hot property sector.

For years, apartment buildings shot up across China as people moved from the countryside to cities and developers had easy access to credit. But it soon became clear that real estate investors — not actual homebuyers — were the ones driving up demand in a speculative frenzy that left vast expanses of apartments empty. Property prices soared, and homeownership became increasingly unaffordable for China’s middle class. At the same time, another problem was brewing: The developers who were benefiting from those high prices amassed a mountain of debt to keep building at a breakneck pace.

“They’ve taken on too many loans to build too many buildings that no one really wants to live in,” Jeremy Wallace, an associate professor at Cornell University who has studied urbanization in China, told Grid.

In recent years, government officials have begun to see the underbelly of risk in that property-fueled economic growth model. President Xi Jinping has taken to repeating the exhortation that “houses are built to be inhabited, not for speculation.”

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In August 2020, the Chinese government decided to intervene to deflate the housing bubble before it burst. The housing ministry and the People’s Bank of China announced a “three red lines” policy, laying out three benchmarks to evaluate the level of debt developers had taken on. If regulators found that a developer had exceeded any of the benchmarks, they would place limits on the developer’s ability to borrow further.

It turned out that many of China’s biggest developers had blown past the thresholds — and all of them now had to start rebalancing their lopsided balance sheets. That left these companies short on cash needed to complete the apartments they’d promised to people all over the country.

The early seeds of the boycott movement were planted. “It’s no surprise if you have this extensive distress that you’re seeing within the property sector,” said Wallace, “that eventually this issue would have come to a head.”

Real estate bombshell: the Evergrande default

In the wake of the “three red lines” policy, China appeared to come close to its own Lehman Brothers moment last year. As in, a moment when one company’s troubles nearly cratered the country’s economy.

Evergrande is the poster child for China’s real estate craze. It’s a privately owned company that became China’s largest real estate developer, and as it grew, it took on an enormous amount of debt: more than $300 billion as of last year. Even before the three red lines policy, Evergrande was facing pressure as China’s economic growth slowed, cooling demand for the company’s often lavish properties. But the new policy pushed it over the edge.

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Because it could no longer borrow as easily under the new government rules, Evergrande had to begin rapidly selling off pieces of its diverse business empire. But it still couldn’t keep up with its debt payment schedule.

Last December, Evergrande failed to make payments to international bondholders, thereby officially crossing over into default territory.

Evergrande’s fall immediately set off concerns that China’s whole real estate sector would collapse. But instead, Evergrande’s troubles and China’s response have been a part of that slow-motion crisis. The government decided to intervene and has worked with Evergrande to develop a plan to restore the company to solvency. For now, a full collapse has been averted, but Evergrande’s path forward remains uncertain. It recently missed a July deadline to release a plan for restructuring its debts.

Meanwhile, the same story has played out for other large developers in China: The new rules have hit their ability to borrow from banks, and Evergrande’s high-profile struggles have made it harder for all these companies to access capital from foreign markets.

Experts told Grid that some of this fallout from the red line policy was inevitable, but it was made worse because of a “perfect storm” of other economic factors. “I think they were trying to do something that was very difficult — to deflate something in its real estate sector that looked very bubble-ish,” said Wallace. “To do this in 2020, 2021, it seemed reasonable that maybe they would be able to pull it off, but with zero-covid really destroying other economic activity, it’s really made things a lot more difficult.”

A summer wave of mortgage protests

The downfall of Evergrande and other behemoth developers leads back to all those angry mortgage holders. Evergrande is now the target of the largest number of mortgage boycotts: According to WeNeedHome, of the 328 developments where homeowners are threatening to withhold their mortgage payments, 52 are Evergrande properties.

Government policy certainly contributed to the problems, but they are magnified by China’s unusual, and problematic, property sales model.

China’s real estate developers typically use a “presales” tactic in which buyers — or the banks that hold their mortgages — must pay in full for homes that have yet to be built. So even before many Chinese people move into their apartments, they are already making mortgage payments.

That model worked well enough while developers were able to build at a rapid pace and hand over apartments, but the recent setbacks have thrown wrenches into that process. In the past, developers were able to illegally tap into the cash they collected from presales to build other projects in their portfolio. But with zero-covid hitting the economy, people have been less willing to buy apartments, so these sales have fallen. That in turn has left developers short on cash for construction.

Meanwhile, the three red lines policy has prevented the developers from borrowing more to compensate. All this has produced a vicious cycle, as Michael Pettis, a professor of finance at Peking University, wrote in a recent blog. The news about the liquidity crisis has also scared people off from buying presale apartments because they fear developers won’t be able to complete them. That, in turn, cuts further into developers’ cash.

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“What you’re seeing is the unwinding of confidence that developers are still going to have sufficient resources to complete houses out there,” said Wright. “It’s a significant change in credit conditions more broadly for developers.”

With no money in hand, developers started to push the pause button on their construction projects, leaving hundreds of thousands of people paying mortgages with no idea when they will actually move into their apartments. That’s why so many mortgage holders have banded together and threatened to stop paying.

What comes next?

Chinese government officials are working hard to contain the boycotts and keep the property market from going farther off the rails. It’s a delicate balancing act; the government wanted to reduce debt in the sector, but it’s now being forced to intervene to stop the crisis from spreading into other parts of the economy.

So far, authorities have largely allowed the boycotters to pause their payments without penalty. And the government isn’t leaving developers entirely in the lurch. Central government officials are trying to help speed the completion of projects, initially by appointing local governments to oversee the work. Chinese financial outlet Caixin reported that local state-owned companies might even be tasked with purchasing stalled developments and completing them on their own.

But local governments alone can’t fix the problem, in part because they are already highly indebted from implementing the costly zero-covid policy, and the central government seems to realize as much. Bloomberg reported last week that the central bank will provide nearly $30 billion in special loans to developers to help them finish the delayed projects.

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Even that is likely to be far from sufficient. Given how much revenue the sector is currently losing, the $30 billion “doesn’t seem large enough to help developers significantly at all,” said Wright.

One thing is clear, from Wallace’s perspective: Given the political sensitivities, the mortgage boycotters won’t be left to bear the full cost. “It’s a very compelling population,” he said. “The family that has saved up in order to buy something that they never get because of some billionaire developer — that’s a political fight that they will always win. And I think that’s really a dangerous potential problem that the government won’t let or can’t let sit forever.”

Meanwhile, even if the government ultimately manages to get developers to deliver most of the apartments to the boycotters, the broader distress in the property sector still threatens the country.

Sales across China’s top hundred property developers dropped by half in the first six months of the year, according to the New York Times. Home prices have also been falling, and more developers are still expected to default this year. In some ways, this is what the government was aiming for, but the real estate sector has plunged too quickly due to zero-covid.

Where will this downward spiral leave China? It is likely to stick to a path of reining in the property sector to a large extent, even if it continues to come at an economic cost.

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But that means Beijing risks intervening too little and allowing the economy to tumble much deeper. The real estate crisis could eventually spill over into a bigger financial crisis. “I would be a lot more concerned in the second half of the year and in early 2023 that we really haven’t seen the impact of falling property sales on the financial sector yet,” said Wright. “It’s really hard to predict exactly where that’s going to show up.”

Cleo Li-Schwartz contributed reporting. Thanks to Lillian Barkley for copy editing this article.

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Here are some facts about British Columbia’s housing market

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Housing affordability is a key issue in the provincial election campaign in British Columbia, particularly in major centres.

Here are some statistics about housing in B.C. from the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation’s 2024 Rental Market Report, issued in January, and the B.C. Real Estate Association’s August 2024 report.

Average residential home price in B.C.: $938,500

Average price in greater Vancouver (2024 year to date): $1,304,438

Average price in greater Victoria (2024 year to date): $979,103

Average price in the Okanagan (2024 year to date): $748,015

Average two-bedroom purpose-built rental in Vancouver: $2,181

Average two-bedroom purpose-built rental in Victoria: $1,839

Average two-bedroom purpose-built rental in Canada: $1,359

Rental vacancy rate in Vancouver: 0.9 per cent

How much more do new renters in Vancouver pay compared with renters who have occupied their home for at least a year: 27 per cent

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Oct. 17, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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B.C. voters face atmospheric river with heavy rain, high winds on election day

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VANCOUVER – Voters along the south coast of British Columbia who have not cast their ballots yet will have to contend with heavy rain and high winds from an incoming atmospheric river weather system on election day.

Environment Canada says the weather system will bring prolonged heavy rain to Metro Vancouver, the Sunshine Coast, Fraser Valley, Howe Sound, Whistler and Vancouver Island starting Friday.

The agency says strong winds with gusts up to 80 kilometres an hour will also develop on Saturday — the day thousands are expected to go to the polls across B.C. — in parts of Vancouver Island and Metro Vancouver.

Wednesday was the last day for advance voting, which started on Oct. 10.

More than 180,000 voters cast their votes Wednesday — the most ever on an advance voting day in B.C., beating the record set just days earlier on Oct. 10 of more than 170,000 votes.

Environment Canada says voters in the area of the atmospheric river can expect around 70 millimetres of precipitation generally and up to 100 millimetres along the coastal mountains, while parts of Vancouver Island could see as much as 200 millimetres of rainfall for the weekend.

An atmospheric river system in November 2021 created severe flooding and landslides that at one point severed most rail links between Vancouver’s port and the rest of Canada while inundating communities in the Fraser Valley and B.C. Interior.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Oct. 17, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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No shortage when it comes to B.C. housing policies, as Eby, Rustad offer clear choice

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British Columbia voters face no shortage of policies when it comes to tackling the province’s housing woes in the run-up to Saturday’s election, with a clear choice for the next government’s approach.

David Eby’s New Democrats say the housing market on its own will not deliver the homes people need, while B.C. Conservative Leader John Rustad saysgovernment is part of the problem and B.C. needs to “unleash” the potential of the private sector.

But Andy Yan, director of the City Program at Simon Fraser University, said the “punchline” was that neither would have a hand in regulating interest rates, the “giant X-factor” in housing affordability.

“The one policy that controls it all just happens to be a policy that the province, whoever wins, has absolutely no control over,” said Yan, who made a name for himself scrutinizing B.C.’s chronic affordability problems.

Some metrics have shown those problems easing, with Eby pointing to what he said was a seven per cent drop in rent prices in Vancouver.

But Statistics Canada says 2021 census data shows that 25.5 per cent of B.C. households were paying at least 30 per cent of their income on shelter costs, the worst for any province or territory.

Yan said government had “access to a few levers” aimed at boosting housing affordability, and Eby has been pulling several.

Yet a host of other factors are at play, rates in particular, Yan said.

“This is what makes housing so frustrating, right? It takes time. It takes decades through which solutions and policies play out,” Yan said.

Rustad, meanwhile, is running on a “deregulation” platform.

He has pledged to scrap key NDP housing initiatives, including the speculation and vacancy tax, restrictions on short-term rentals,and legislation aimed at boosting small-scale density in single-family neighbourhoods.

Green Leader Sonia Furstenau, meanwhile, says “commodification” of housing by large investors is a major factor driving up costs, and her party would prioritize people most vulnerable in the housing market.

Yan said it was too soon to fully assess the impact of the NDP government’s housing measures, but there was a risk housing challenges could get worse if certain safeguards were removed, such as policies that preserve existing rental homes.

If interest rates were to drop, spurring a surge of redevelopment, Yan said the new homes with higher rents could wipe the older, cheaper units off the map.

“There is this element of change and redevelopment that needs to occur as a city grows, yet the loss of that stock is part of really, the ongoing challenges,” Yan said.

Given the external forces buffeting the housing market, Yan said the question before voters this month was more about “narrative” than numbers.

“Who do you believe will deliver a better tomorrow?”

Yan said the market has limits, and governments play an important role in providing safeguards for those most vulnerable.

The market “won’t by itself deal with their housing needs,” Yan said, especially given what he described as B.C.’s “30-year deficit of non-market housing.”

IS HOUSING THE ‘GOVERNMENT’S JOB’?

Craig Jones, associate director of the Housing Research Collaborative at the University of British Columbia, echoed Yan, saying people are in “housing distress” and in urgent need of help in the form of social or non-market housing.

“The amount of housing that it’s going to take through straight-up supply to arrive at affordability, it’s more than the system can actually produce,” he said.

Among the three leaders, Yan said it was Furstenau who had focused on the role of the “financialization” of housing, or large investors using housing for profit.

“It really squeezes renters,” he said of the trend. “It captures those units that would ordinarily become affordable and moves (them) into an investment product.”

The Greens’ platform includes a pledge to advocate for federal legislation banning the sale of residential units toreal estate investment trusts, known as REITs.

The party has also proposed a two per cent tax on homes valued at $3 million or higher, while committing $1.5 billion to build 26,000 non-market units each year.

Eby’s NDP government has enacted a suite of policies aimed at speeding up the development and availability of middle-income housing and affordable rentals.

They include the Rental Protection Fund, which Jones described as a “cutting-edge” policy. The $500-million fund enables non-profit organizations to purchase and manage existing rental buildings with the goal of preserving their affordability.

Another flagship NDP housing initiative, dubbed BC Builds, uses $2 billion in government financingto offer low-interest loans for the development of rental buildings on low-cost, underutilized land. Under the program, operators must offer at least 20 per cent of their units at 20 per cent below the market value.

Ravi Kahlon, the NDP candidate for Delta North who serves as Eby’s housing minister,said BC Builds was designed to navigate “huge headwinds” in housing development, including high interest rates, global inflation and the cost of land.

Boosting supply is one piece of the larger housing puzzle, Kahlon said in an interview before the start of the election campaign.

“We also need governments to invest and … come up with innovative programs to be able to get more affordability than the market can deliver,” he said.

The NDP is also pledging to help more middle-class, first-time buyers into the housing market with a plan to finance 40 per cent of the price on certain projects, with the money repayable as a loan and carrying an interest rate of 1.5 per cent. The government’s contribution would have to be repaid upon resale, plus 40 per cent of any increase in value.

The Canadian Press reached out several times requesting a housing-focused interview with Rustad or another Conservative representative, but received no followup.

At a press conference officially launching the Conservatives’ campaign, Rustad said Eby “seems to think that (housing) is government’s job.”

A key element of the Conservatives’ housing plans is a provincial tax exemption dubbed the “Rustad Rebate.” It would start in 2026 with residents able to deduct up to $1,500 per month for rent and mortgage costs, increasing to $3,000 in 2029.

Rustad also wants Ottawa to reintroduce a 1970s federal program that offered tax incentives to spur multi-unit residential building construction.

“It’s critical to bring that back and get the rental stock that we need built,” Rustad said of the so-called MURB program during the recent televised leaders’ debate.

Rustad also wants to axe B.C.’s speculation and vacancy tax, which Eby says has added 20,000 units to the long-term rental market, and repeal rules restricting short-term rentals on platforms such as Airbnb and Vrbo to an operator’s principal residence or one secondary suite.

“(First) of all it was foreigners, and then it was speculators, and then it was vacant properties, and then it was Airbnbs, instead of pointing at the real problem, which is government, and government is getting in the way,” Rustad said during the televised leaders’ debate.

Rustad has also promised to speed up approvals for rezoning and development applications, and to step in if a city fails to meet the six-month target.

Eby’s approach to clearing zoning and regulatory hurdles includes legislation passed last fall that requires municipalities with more than 5,000 residents to allow small-scale, multi-unit housing on lots previously zoned for single family homes.

The New Democrats have also recently announced a series of free, standardized building designs and a plan to fast-track prefabricated homes in the province.

A statement from B.C.’s Housing Ministry said more than 90 per cent of 188 local governments had adopted the New Democrats’ small-scale, multi-unit housing legislation as of last month, while 21 had received extensions allowing more time.

Rustad has pledged to repeal that law too, describing Eby’s approach as “authoritarian.”

The Greens are meanwhile pledging to spend $650 million in annual infrastructure funding for communities, increase subsidies for elderly renters, and bring in vacancy control measures to prevent landlords from drastically raising rents for new tenants.

Yan likened the Oct. 19 election to a “referendum about the course that David Eby has set” for housing, with Rustad “offering a completely different direction.”

Regardless of which party and leader emerges victorious, Yan said B.C.’s next government will be working against the clock, as well as cost pressures.

Yan said failing to deliver affordable homes for everyone, particularly people living on B.C. streets and young, working families, came at a cost to the whole province.

“It diminishes us as a society, but then also as an economy.”

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Oct. 17, 2024.

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