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The Ice-Cream Theory of Presidential Politics

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One of the most revealing statements of the 2020 presidential campaign wasn’t uttered by the candidates. It came instead from a former Republican congressman. “It’s difficult to attack vanilla,” griped Florida’s Carlos Curbelo, lamenting the failure of GOP attacks against then-candidate Joe Biden. Curbelo probably intended to deride the former vice president as milquetoast. But he inadvertently landed on the key to Biden’s success: No one hates vanilla. Biden’s flavor of politics is not everyone’s favorite, but it’s one that most people are happy to accept.

Biden won in 2020 by 7 million votes, but the criticisms of his candidacy have not changed. To the president’s detractors, many of them Democrats, he is old, uninspired, and bland. He lacks the dynamism needed to excite younger voters, and his resistance to radical change fails to meet the moment. But this critique fundamentally misunderstands Biden’s appeal: He wins because he’s banal, not in spite of it. That’s because his brand of politics is the perfect counter to the acquired taste of today’s Trump-led Republican Party.

Consider the contrast between Biden and his opposition: For the 2022 midterms, GOP primary voters nominated a parade of Trump-endorsed conspiracy theorists who denied the outcome of the 2020 presidential election. Say what you will about these candidates and their views, they did excite the base and certainly weren’t boring. Yet nearly all of them lost, ceding competitive swing states in the process. It turned out that what energized Republican partisans repelled the independent voters the party needed to win elections.

Biden embodies the opposite approach. He excels at being an acceptable candidate to the maximum number of general-election voters, even as he inspires only middling enthusiasm among his party’s loudest voices. This quiet cultivation of consensus—rather than crowd-pleasing bombast—is how Biden won the White House. He is vanilla in a world of pistachio and rocky road, unobjectionable to most people and unlikely to trigger any allergies. This is often more about Biden’s affect than his aspirations: Even when he is pursuing ambitious policies, he tends to cast them in common-sensical rather than revolutionary terms.

Pundits and activists have never warmed to Biden, but that’s because they are connoisseurs forever seeking fresh flavors. Biden understands that most voters do not live and breathe politics, and that they prize reliability over novelty. Many Americans just want an unobtrusive president who won’t demand their constant attention, especially after years of experiencing the opposite.

Being basic has its benefits: According to The Cook Political Report, polls show that Biden overwhelmingly wins voters who “somewhat disapprove” of him, whereas Trump loses the same set. For the dissatisfied, the president is a safe bet; his predecessor is a turnoff. In the frustrated words of the Fox News host Jesse Watters, “There’s not a ‘Hate Biden’ vote that’s out there. You know, when Trump’s on the ballot, there’s that ‘Hate Trump’ Democrat vote? People just don’t feel the same passion against the guy.” It’s hard to get excited about vanilla, but it’s even harder to get angry about it.

Biden’s intentionally inoffensive formula is superior to Trump’s abrasive one, as the 2020 and 2022 elections demonstrated. And yet, with Trump currently on track to secure the 2024 GOP nomination, Republicans are poised to repeat their mistakes. A recent CBS survey found that 75 percent of GOP primary voters who back Trump are doing so because they believe that “he actually won in 2020.” By contrast, polls have repeatedly found that large majorities of Americans believe that Trump lost. The former president’s loyalists are seeking to serve exactly what the broader electorate is not willing to consume.

This is where Biden’s anodyne affect becomes an asset rather than a liability, especially today. By taking conventional but popular positions that resonate with both Democrats and independents, Biden makes himself the dependable choice. And by receding into the background and letting his opponent do the talking, Biden ensures that the coming campaign cycle centers on the other side’s profoundly unpopular positions. When the only alternative to vanilla is rum raisin with a side of insurrection, the unassuming starts to look quite attractive.

Because Trump is peddling a product that is toxic to a majority of voters, there’s no need for a flashy candidate to compete with him for the spotlight. Biden doesn’t want to drown out Trump’s wild conspiracies and petty cruelties—he wants independent voters to hear them and remember why most of them rejected Trump twice at the ballot box. In a very real way, Trump is the Biden campaign’s best surrogate.

In recent months, the likely Republican nominee has been arrested, gone on trial for civil damages in a rape case, and snatched a reporter’s phone after the journalist asked him questions he didn’t like. Trump regularly makes extreme statements that thrill his supporters but alienate more moderate voters. At a recent conservative conference, he declared, “The sinister forces trying to kill America have done everything they can to stop me, to silence you, and to turn this nation into a socialist dumping ground for criminals, junkies, Marxists, thugs, radicals, and dangerous refugees that no other country wants.” The longer the campaign continues, the more Trump will remind audiences why they dislike him. He is, in other words, the anti-Biden.

None of this means the president won’t lose to Trump in a 2024 rematch, which polls project to be perilously close. But it helps explain why Biden continues to outperform expectations, despite obvious shortcomings such as his age, propensity for gaffes, and history of failed presidential campaigns. It’s understandable that certain Democrats want someone with more flavor to be their standard-bearer, but the trick to being a consensus candidate is to avoid giving voters reasons not to vote for you. That’s Biden’s specialty—and Trump’s weakness.

 

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New Brunswick election profile: Progressive Conservative Leader Blaine Higgs

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FREDERICTON – A look at Blaine Higgs, leader of the Progressive Conservative Party of New Brunswick.

Born: March 1, 1954.

Early years: The son of a customs officer, he grew up in Forest City, N.B., near the Canada-U.S. border.

Education: Graduated from the University of New Brunswick with a degree in mechanical engineering in 1977.

Family: Married his high-school sweetheart, Marcia, and settled in Saint John, N.B., where they had four daughters: Lindsey, Laura, Sarah and Rachel.

Before politics: Hired by Irving Oil a week after he graduated from university and was eventually promoted to director of distribution. Worked for 33 years at the company.

Politics: Elected to the legislature in 2010 and later served as finance minister under former Progressive Conservative Premier David Alward. Elected Tory leader in 2016 and has been premier since 2018.

Quote: “I’ve always felt parents should play the main role in raising children. No one is denying gender diversity is real. But we need to figure out how to manage it.” — Blaine Higgs in a year-end interview in 2023, explaining changes to school policies about gender identity.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

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Anita Anand taking on transport portfolio after Pablo Rodriguez leaves cabinet

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GATINEAU, Que. – Treasury Board President Anita Anand will take on the additional role of transport minister this afternoon, after Pablo Rodriguez resigned from cabinet to run for the Quebec Liberal leadership.

A government source who was not authorized to speak publicly says Anand will be sworn in at a small ceremony at Rideau Hall.

Public Services and Procurement Minister Jean-Yves Duclos will become the government’s new Quebec lieutenant, but he is not expected to be at the ceremony because that is not an official role in cabinet.

Rodriguez announced this morning that he’s leaving cabinet and the federal Liberal caucus and will sit as an Independent member of Parliament until January.

That’s when the Quebec Liberal leadership race is set to officially begin.

Rodriguez says sitting as an Independent will allow him to focus on his own vision, but he plans to vote with the Liberals on a non-confidence motion next week.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

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New Brunswick Premier Blaine Higgs kicks off provincial election campaign

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FREDERICTON – New Brunswick Premier Blaine Higgs has called an election for Oct. 21, signalling the beginning of a 33-day campaign expected to focus on pocketbook issues and the government’s provocative approach to gender identity policies.

The 70-year-old Progressive Conservative leader, who is seeking a third term in office, has attracted national attention by requiring teachers to get parental consent before they can use the preferred names and pronouns of young students.

More recently, however, the former Irving Oil executive has tried to win over inflation-weary voters by promising to lower the provincial harmonized sales tax by two percentage points to 13 per cent if re-elected.

At dissolution, the Conservatives held 25 seats in the 49-seat legislature. The Liberals held 16 seats, the Greens had three and there was one Independent and four vacancies.

J.P. Lewis, a political science professor at the University of New Brunswick, said the top three issues facing New Brunswickers are affordability, health care and education.

“Across many jurisdictions, affordability is the top concern — cost of living, housing prices, things like that,” he said.

Richard Saillant, an economist and former vice-president of Université de Moncton, said the Tories’ pledge to lower the HST represents a costly promise.

“I don’t think there’s that much room for that,” he said. “I’m not entirely clear that they can do so without producing a greater deficit.” Saillant also pointed to mounting pressures to invest more in health care, education and housing, all of which are facing increasing demands from a growing population.

Higgs’s main rivals are Liberal Leader Susan Holt and Green Party Leader David Coon. Both are focusing on economic and social issues.

Holt has promised to impose a rent cap and roll out a subsidized school food program. The Liberals also want to open at least 30 community health clinics over the next four years.

Coon has said a Green government would create an “electricity support program,” which would give families earning less than $70,000 annually about $25 per month to offset “unprecedented” rate increases.

Higgs first came to power in 2018, when the Tories formed the province’s first minority government in 100 years. In 2020, he called a snap election — the first province to go to the polls after the start of the COVID-19 pandemic — and won a majority.

Since then, several well-known cabinet ministers and caucus members have stepped down after clashing with Higgs, some of them citing what they described as an authoritarian leadership style and a focus on policies that represent a hard shift to the right side of the political spectrum.

Lewis said the Progressive Conservatives are in the “midst of reinvention.”

“It appears he’s shaping the party now, really in the mould of his world views,” Lewis said. “Even though (Progressive Conservatives) have been down in the polls, I still think that they’re very competitive.”

Meanwhile, the legislature remained divided along linguistic lines. The Tories dominate in English-speaking ridings in central and southern parts of the province, while the Liberals held most French-speaking ridings in the north.

The drama within the party began in October 2022 when the province’s outspoken education minister, Dominic Cardy, resigned from cabinet, saying he could no longer tolerate the premier’s leadership style. In his resignation letter, Cardy cited controversial plans to reform French-language education. The government eventually stepped back those plans.

A series of resignations followed last year when the Higgs government announced changes to Policy 713, which now requires students under 16 who are exploring their gender identity to get their parents’ consent before teachers can use their preferred first names or pronouns — a reversal of the previous practice.

When several Tory lawmakers voted with the opposition to call for an external review of the change, Higgs dropped dissenters from his cabinet. And a bid by some party members to trigger a leadership review went nowhere.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

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