The pandemic may not be over yet, but we're slowly returning to business as usual in provincial politics | Canada News Media
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The pandemic may not be over yet, but we’re slowly returning to business as usual in provincial politics

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Politicians love pretending there’s no place for politics in pandemics. Except when they play politics.

Most of the political players across the country are mostly doing the right thing — whether right-wing, left-wing or down the middle. Yet it’s only too human for politicians to revert to their partisan and parochial instincts, even with COVID-19.

Whether soothing us or scaring us, uniting us or upsetting us, it’s hard to take the politics out of the politician. That said, the most blatant example of parochialism trumping public safety came this week when Quebec’s François Legault visited Premier Doug Ford in Toronto.

Legault boasts one of the highest approval ratings among premiers, despite his province bearing Canada’s highest rate of infections and deaths per capita. Perhaps that’s because he knows how to play off Quebec’s insecurities and blind spots — belatedly embracing face coverings (medical masks) this year after bashing face coverings and head coverings (the hijab and niqab) last year.

Ford had publicly urged his “good friend” Legault to embrace the “COVID Alert” contract tracing app for smartphones. Approved by privacy experts, it’s a no-brainer that should be pitched by every serious politician — yet Legault wouldn’t be caught dead trying to save lives this way.

Exhausted by his exhortations, Ford quietly passed the microphone to Legault at their joint news conference — and watched him duck rather than stick his neck out: “For now, there’s a kind of consensus at the National Assembly in Quebec that we don’t want to go this way because of personal data,” Legault mused.

If there are genuine privacy concerns, why would Ontario and federal officials (not to mention their privacy commissioners) have given it the green light without complaint weeks ago? Legault had no good answer, because this is a question of Quebec chauvinism versus safety.

In truth, the premier had pinned his hopes on a homegrown Quebec app that has been stalled by serious privacy problems. In the same breath as he erected barriers to COVID Alert, he waxed eloquent about the need to fight trade barriers across the continent.

 

Tariff-free exports of Quebec products may be critical, but freer cross-border transmission of COVID-19 without the life-saving app is hypocritical.

Never mind that Legault is the incoming chair of the Council of the Federation, a fancy title for the annual forum of provincial premiers that makes customary monetary demands of Ottawa. After shutting out the pan-Canadian COVID Alert, Legault reverted to shaking down the federal government for more health-care funding amid rising COVID-19 costs.

Yet he inadvertently hurt his own case by reminiscing about how he used to compare notes on funding shortfalls with Ontario’s Tony Clement when they both served as health ministers for their respective provinces. What he didn’t say was that Clement went on to serve federally with former Ontario finance minister Jim Flaherty — whereupon they both put a lid on federal transfers to the provinces. The point is that in all the sterile quarrels about who pays what, where you stand not only depends on where you sit, but where you run (for office).

A similar blame game over funding shortfalls — and political fundraising — is taking place against the backdrop of back-to-school and the deadly serious work of protecting lives. Much has been written — and there will be more to be said next week — about the strengths and weaknesses of Ontario’s plan.

But how it looks depends on where you’re watching from. Ontario NDP Leader Andrea Horwath has asked tough questions of Ford’s classroom plan — fair enough, it’s part of her job description in the Official Opposition — but that doesn’t mean parents and teachers shouldn’t also put her comments in context.

Would an NDP government in Ontario do much better? One way to answer that question is to look at how B.C.’s New Democrats have done in power — not as strict on mandating masks, and not any better in terms of keeping teachers or parents happy.

Equally, Ontario Liberal Leader Steven Del Duca has attacked the government for not adopting his own alternative plan, which calls for billions of dollars in additional funding. Whether or not they’d be any better in power than Ford’s Tories, it’s worth noting that Quebec’s Liberals are seriously envious of Ontario’s plan — as evidenced by a tweet last month from MNA Gregory Kelley:

“Ontario is taking #backtoschoolsafely seriously,” the Quebec Liberal observed. Ford “is miles ahead of us in protecting kids, teachers & support staff. Money has been invested for distance learning, school ventilation and PPE for staff.”

That’s not to say Ford’s plan is perfect — far from it, and very much a work in progress. Opposition critics have every right to point out the wrongs they see.

 

That’s not making a mountain out of a molehill, but when you try to make mountains of money out of it, the context changes. Much like Ford’s Tories, all major parties are making increasingly blatant fundraising pitches and sending out emails urging people to write in with their concerns and reactions — thus capturing their contact details for followup donations.

That politicians are slowly returning to business (and fundraising) as usual isn’t the end of the world. To the contrary, it may be a precursor to a post-pandemic world.

 

Politics, like life, goes on.

 

 

Source: – Toronto Star

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Trump is consistently inconsistent on abortion and reproductive rights

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CHICAGO (AP) — Donald Trump has had a tough time finding a consistent message to questions about abortion and reproductive rights.

The former president has constantly shifted his stances or offered vague, contradictory and at times nonsensical answers to questions on an issue that has become a major vulnerability for Republicans in this year’s election. Trump has been trying to win over voters, especially women, skeptical about his views, especially after he nominated three Supreme Court justices who helped overturn the nationwide right to abortion two years ago.

The latest example came this week when the Republican presidential nominee said some abortion laws are “too tough” and would be “redone.”

“It’s going to be redone,” he said during a Fox News town hall that aired Wednesday. “They’re going to, you’re going to, you end up with a vote of the people. They’re too tough, too tough. And those are going to be redone because already there’s a movement in those states.”

Trump did not specify if he meant he would take some kind of action if he wins in November, and he did not say which states or laws he was talking about. He did not elaborate on what he meant by “redone.”

He also seemed to be contradicting his own stand when referencing the strict abortion bans passed in Republican-controlled states since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade. Trump recently said he would vote against a constitutional amendment on the Florida ballot that is aimed at overturning the state’s six-week abortion ban. That decision came after he had criticized the law as too harsh.

Trump has shifted between boasting about nominating the justices who helped strike down federal protections for abortion and trying to appear more neutral. It’s been an attempt to thread the divide between his base of anti-abortion supporters and the majority of Americans who support abortion rights.

About 6 in 10 Americans think their state should generally allow a person to obtain a legal abortion if they don’t want to be pregnant for any reason, according to a July poll from The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research. Voters in seven states, including some conservative ones, have either protected abortion rights or defeated attempts to restrict them in statewide votes over the past two years.

Trump also has been repeating the narrative that he returned the question of abortion rights to states, even though voters do not have a direct say on that or any other issue in about half the states. This is particularly true for those living in the South, where Republican-controlled legislatures, many of which have been gerrymandered to give the GOP disproportionate power, have enacted some of the strictest abortion bans since Roe v. Wade was overturned.

Currently, 13 states have banned abortion at all stages of pregnancy, while four more ban it after six weeks — before many women know they’re pregnant.

Meanwhile, anti-abortion groups and their Republican allies in state governments are using an array of strategies to counter proposed ballot initiatives in at least eight states this year.

Here’s a breakdown of Trump’s fluctuating stances on reproductive rights.

Flip-flopping on Florida

On Tuesday, Trump claimed some abortion laws are “too tough” and would be “redone.”

But in August, Trump said he would vote against a state ballot measure that is attempting to repeal the six-week abortion ban passed by the Republican-controlled Legislature and signed by Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis.

That came a day after he seemed to indicate he would vote in favor of the measure. Trump previously called Florida’s six-week ban a “terrible mistake” and too extreme. In an April Time magazine interview, Trump repeated that he “thought six weeks is too severe.”

Trump on vetoing a national ban

Trump’s latest flip-flopping has involved his views on a national abortion ban.

During the Oct. 1 vice presidential debate, Trump posted on his social media platform Truth Social that he would veto a national abortion ban: “Everyone knows I would not support a federal abortion ban, under any circumstances, and would, in fact, veto it.”

This came just weeks after Trump repeatedly declined to say during the presidential debate with Democrat Kamala Harris whether he would veto a national abortion ban if he were elected.

Trump’s running mate, Ohio Sen. JD Vance, said in an interview with NBC News before the presidential debate that Trump would veto a ban. In response to debate moderators prompting him about Vance’s statement, Trump said: “I didn’t discuss it with JD, in all fairness. And I don’t mind if he has a certain view, but I don’t think he was speaking for me.”

‘Pro-choice’ to 15-week ban

Trump’s shifting abortion policy stances began when the former reality TV star and developer started flirting with running for office.

He once called himself “very pro-choice.” But before becoming president, Trump said he “would indeed support a ban,” according to his book “The America We Deserve,” which was published in 2000.

In his first year as president, he said he was “pro-life with exceptions” but also said “there has to be some form of punishment” for women seeking abortions — a position he quickly reversed.

At the 2018 annual March for Life, Trump voiced support for a federal ban on abortion on or after 20 weeks of pregnancy.

More recently, Trump suggested in March that he might support a national ban on abortions around 15 weeks before announcing that he instead would leave the matter to the states.

Views on abortion pills, prosecuting women

In the Time interview, Trump said it should be left up to the states to decide whether to prosecute women for abortions or to monitor women’s pregnancies.

“The states are going to make that decision,” Trump said. “The states are going to have to be comfortable or uncomfortable, not me.”

Democrats have seized on the comments he made in 2016, saying “there has to be some form of punishment” for women who have abortions.

Trump also declined to comment on access to the abortion pill mifepristone, claiming that he has “pretty strong views” on the matter. He said he would make a statement on the issue, but it never came.

Trump responded similarly when asked about his views on the Comstock Act, a 19th century law that has been revived by anti-abortion groups seeking to block the mailing of mifepristone.

IVF and contraception

In May, Trump said during an interview with a Pittsburgh television station that he was open to supporting regulations on contraception and that his campaign would release a policy on the issue “very shortly.” He later said his comments were misinterpreted.

In the KDKA interview, Trump was asked, “Do you support any restrictions on a person’s right to contraception?”

“We’re looking at that and I’m going to have a policy on that very shortly,” Trump responded.

Trump has not since released a policy statement on contraception.

Trump also has offered contradictory statements on in vitro fertilization.

During the Fox News town hall, which was taped Tuesday, Trump declared that he is “the father of IVF,” despite acknowledging during his answer that he needed an explanation of IVF in February after the Alabama Supreme Court ruled that frozen embryos can be considered children under state law.

Trump said he instructed Sen. Katie Britt, R-Ala., to “explain IVF very quickly” to him in the aftermath of the ruling.

As concerns over access to fertility treatments rose, Trump pledged to promote IVF by requiring health insurance companies or the federal government to pay for it. Such a move would be at odds with the actions of much of his own party.

Even as the Republican Party has tried to create a national narrative that it is receptive to IVF, these messaging efforts have been undercut by GOP state lawmakers, Republican-dominated courts and anti-abortion leaders within the party’s ranks, as well as opposition to legislative attempts to protect IVF access.

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The Associated Press receives support from several private foundations to enhance its explanatory coverage of elections and democracy. See more about AP’s democracy initiative here. The AP is solely responsible for all content.

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Saskatchewan Party’s Scott Moe, NDP’s Carla Beck react to debate |

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Saskatchewan‘s two main political party leaders faced off in the only televised debate in the lead up to the provincial election on Oct. 28. Saskatchewan Party Leader Scott Moe and NDP Leader Carla Beck say voters got a chance to see their platforms. (Oct. 17, 2024)

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Saskatchewan political leaders back on campaign trail after election debate

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REGINA – Saskatchewan‘s main political leaders are back on the campaign trail today after hammering each other in a televised debate.

Saskatchewan Party Leader Scott Moe is set to make an announcement in Moose Jaw.

Saskatchewan NDP Leader Carla Beck is to make stops in Regina, Saskatoon and Prince Albert.

During Wednesday night’s debate, Beck emphasized her plan to make life more affordable and said people deserve better than an out-of-touch Saskatchewan Party government.

Moe said his party wants to lower taxes and put money back into people’s pockets.

Election day is Oct. 28.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Oct. 17, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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