The real poriborton Bengal needs is freeing grassroots politics from party grip - Economic Times | Canada News Media
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The real poriborton Bengal needs is freeing grassroots politics from party grip – Economic Times

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Uday Deb
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While pollsters and political pundits are busy speculating about various electoral outcomes in Bengal, there seems to be one thing they all seem to agree on — the colossal weakening of the incumbent Trinamool Congress in recent years.

​The argument that pro-Trinamool analysts are employing is that the residual charisma of Mamata Banerjee may spring a surprise on May 2, the overall decline of the TMC and an intense level of anti-incumbency notwithstanding. On the other hand, there are concerns that even if the BJP wins, it may end up endorsing the same politics of fear and revenge that has put the Trinamool on the back foot.

In the fast-changing political dynamics of the state, there is a consensus that the systematic rigging and violence during the 2018 panchayat election was a watershed moment that triggered political change. It was after this that the thick social base of the Left decided to shift over to the BJP as the former was considered incapable of taking on the repressive power of the incumbent regime.

In this backdrop, it is pertinent to delineate the reasons for this repressive political culture in Bengal.

As per the Bengal model of ‘party society’, as political scientist Prof Dwaipayan Bhattacharya called it, every aspect of life up to the village level remains under the suffocating gaze of the ruling party. The genesis of the system lies in the decision of the Left government to introduce party symbols for the panchayat elections in 1977. This had triggered a debate not only in Bengal but at the national level.

The Congress opposed the introduction of party-based elections at panchayat level under the normative plank of Dalhin Ganatantra (party-less democracy), something veteran communist turned radical humanist M N Roy had advocated earlier.

However, Promode Dasgupta, the first chairman of the Left Front, fiercely supported such a measure, arguing that it was needed to establish the rights of poor peasants, agricultural labourers, village craftsmen etc against the vested interest and exploiting classes in the village.

The combine of the village poor and the Left, he argued, was needed to implement progressive legislation at the grassroot levels. Consequently, with the right intent, the Left laid down the roots of an ironical polity wherein decentralisation of political power was sought under the larger framework of a centralised party which ended up consuming all spheres of civil society.

In due course, the progressive legislation came to a standstill after Operation Barga (1977-1980) — which legalised the right of the sharecroppers as the landowner — and the panchayat elections emerged as an instrument of maintaining the hegemony of incumbent regimes wherein the elected panchayat representatives started acting as the new feudal lords.

Much before the Trinamool captured power in 2011, there were instances of the Left winning many seats at the panchayat level unopposed, a bad indicator for democracy.

Under the Trinamool, which was not bound by any ideological worldview but was determined to decimate the Left, the structure of party society underwent a blatant criminalisation. Starting from the gram panchayat level, dominant sections with not so bona fide backgrounds acquired a new prominence on account of their claim of ensuring wins for the incumbent party.

The number of seats that Trinamool won at the panchayat level unopposed increased with the level of violence. However, it was the 2018 panchayat election when the systematic violence, allegedly orchestrated by the Trinamool, touched its peak wherein the party won more than one-third of seats unopposed and wherein the common people, cadres and leaders of the opposition parties were beaten systematically across the state.

Even the nine-time MP from Purulia and senior CPM leader, Basudeb Acharia, was not spared. Consumed by hubris, the party ended up compounding people’s pent up anger manifold and intensifying their search for a new alternative.

Now, Bengal’s political arena is in desperate need of loosening the party grip. The first step in this regard could be the restoration of the system of a party-less panchayat election. The model of party society which has gripped Bengal suffocatingly needs to be abandoned. That would lead to the emergence of a more autonomous civil society.

In fact, the cracks in the party society model are already visible. For the first time along with the party, individual leaders and personalities have acquired centrality in the electoral game. The silver lining, amidst this charged political process, is the conducive atmosphere for reducing the hold of political parties at the grassroot level. A move in this direction will be a real change against the prevailing culture of the politics of fear and revenge rather than merely replacing Trinamool faces with those from the BJP.

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Views expressed above are the author’s own.

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Views expressed above are the author’s own.

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Quebec consumer rights bill to regulate how merchants can ask for tips

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Quebec wants to curb excessive tipping.

Simon Jolin-Barrette, minister responsible for consumer protection, has tabled a bill to force merchants to calculate tips based on the price before tax.

That means on a restaurant bill of $100, suggested tips would be calculated based on $100, not on $114.98 after provincial and federal sales taxes are added.

The bill would also increase the rebate offered to consumers when the price of an item at the cash register is higher than the shelf price, to $15 from $10.

And it would force grocery stores offering a discounted price for several items to clearly list the unit price as well.

Businesses would also have to indicate whether taxes will be added to the price of food products.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 12, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Youri Chassin quits CAQ to sit as Independent, second member to leave this month

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Quebec legislature member Youri Chassin has announced he’s leaving the Coalition Avenir Québec government to sit as an Independent.

He announced the decision shortly after writing an open letter criticizing Premier François Legault’s government for abandoning its principles of smaller government.

In the letter published in Le Journal de Montréal and Le Journal de Québec, Chassin accused the party of falling back on what he called the old formula of throwing money at problems instead of looking to do things differently.

Chassin says public services are more fragile than ever, despite rising spending that pushed the province to a record $11-billion deficit projected in the last budget.

He is the second CAQ member to leave the party in a little more than one week, after economy and energy minister Pierre Fitzgibbon announced Sept. 4 he would leave because he lost motivation to do his job.

Chassin says he has no intention of joining another party and will instead sit as an Independent until the end of his term.

He has represented the Saint-Jérôme riding since the CAQ rose to power in 2018, but has not served in cabinet.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 12, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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‘I’m not going to listen to you’: Singh responds to Poilievre’s vote challenge

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MONTREAL – NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh says he will not be taking advice from Pierre Poilievre after the Conservative leader challenged him to bring down government.

“I say directly to Pierre Poilievre: I’m not going to listen to you,” said Singh on Wednesday, accusing Poilievre of wanting to take away dental-care coverage from Canadians, among other things.

“I’m not going to listen to your advice. You want to destroy people’s lives, I want to build up a brighter future.”

Earlier in the day, Poilievre challenged Singh to commit to voting non-confidence in the government, saying his party will force a vote in the House of Commons “at the earliest possibly opportunity.”

“I’m asking Jagmeet Singh and the NDP to commit unequivocally before Monday’s byelections: will they vote non-confidence to bring down the costly coalition and trigger a carbon tax election, or will Jagmeet Singh sell out Canadians again?” Poilievre said.

“It’s put up or shut up time for the NDP.”

While Singh rejected the idea he would ever listen to Poilievre, he did not say how the NDP would vote on a non-confidence motion.

“I’ve said on any vote, we’re going to look at the vote and we’ll make our decision. I’m not going to say our decision ahead of time,” he said.

Singh’s top adviser said on Tuesday the NDP leader is not particularly eager to trigger an election, even as the Conservatives challenge him to do just that.

Anne McGrath, Singh’s principal secretary, says there will be more volatility in Parliament and the odds of an early election have risen.

“I don’t think he is anxious to launch one, or chomping at the bit to have one, but it can happen,” she said in an interview.

New Democrat MPs are in a second day of meetings in Montreal as they nail down a plan for how to navigate the minority Parliament this fall.

The caucus retreat comes one week after Singh announced the party has left the supply-and-confidence agreement with the governing Liberals.

It’s also taking place in the very city where New Democrats are hoping to pick up a seat on Monday, when voters go to the polls in Montreal’s LaSalle—Émard—Verdun. A second byelection is being held that day in the Winnipeg riding of Elmwood—Transcona, where the NDP is hoping to hold onto a seat the Conservatives are also vying for.

While New Democrats are seeking to distance themselves from the Liberals, they don’t appear ready to trigger a general election.

Singh signalled on Tuesday that he will have more to say Wednesday about the party’s strategy for the upcoming sitting.

He is hoping to convince Canadians that his party can defeat the federal Conservatives, who have been riding high in the polls over the last year.

Singh has attacked Poilievre as someone who would bring back Harper-style cuts to programs that Canadians rely on, including the national dental-care program that was part of the supply-and-confidence agreement.

The Canadian Press has asked Poilievre’s office whether the Conservative leader intends to keep the program in place, if he forms government after the next election.

With the return of Parliament just days away, the NDP is also keeping in mind how other parties will look to capitalize on the new makeup of the House of Commons.

The Bloc Québécois has already indicated that it’s written up a list of demands for the Liberals in exchange for support on votes.

The next federal election must take place by October 2025 at the latest.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 11, 2024.

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