The initial period of Canada’s immigration history is often overlooked, described by Hawkins (1989) as being “relegated to discreet silence.” Legal scholars, sociologists, and historians have since explored this period, revealing that Canada was largely constructed as an extension of Britain (Venkatesh, 2019). According to Jakubowski (1997), efforts to preserve Canada’s British identity led to policies that excluded certain groups from entering the country, while actively encouraging others, typically from Great Britain, the United States, France, and, to a lesser extent, Northern and Western Europe.
In the late 19th century, Canada sought White agriculturalists to populate the western prairies. These immigrants were perceived as being of “superior stock” compared to immigrants of colour (Jakubowski, 1997; Satzewich, 1991). Even after expanding the “White category” to include immigrants from Eastern Europe, Canada’s labour needs remained unmet, particularly in large-scale projects like the construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR) from 1881 to 1885, which relied heavily on Chinese workers (Bolaria & Li, 1988; Venkatesh, 2019).
The arrival of Chinese labourers, while economically necessary, fueled xenophobic and racist responses. As Venkatesh (2019) explains, Chinese immigration policies epitomized the tension between migrant labour demand and anti-immigrant sentiment. Stereotypes about Chinese workers painted them as a threat to Canadian health and safety, prompting policies like the Chinese Immigration Act of 1885, which imposed a head tax on Chinese immigrants and severely restricted their entry into Canada (Triadafilopoulos, 2013; Abu-Laban, 1998).
Other discriminatory policies followed, such as the 1907 Gentleman’s Agreement with Japan and the 1908 Continuous Journey Stipulation, both of which aimed to limit Asian immigration, particularly from India and Japan (Bolaria & Li, 1988; Jakubowski, 1997). The Komagata Maru incident in 1914, where Indian passengers were denied entry into Canada despite being British subjects, exemplifies the deeply rooted racial exclusion embedded in Canada’s immigration policies.
This racial exclusion extended to African Americans as well. Between 1905 and 1912, while hundreds of thousands of Americans settled in Canada, only about 1,000 African Americans were admitted. Canadian authorities implemented a variety of tactics to prevent Black immigration, including deceptive practices and selective enforcement of regulations, driven by the belief that Black people were unsuited for Canada’s climate and society (Schwinghamer, 2021).
By 1910, Canada’s immigration policies explicitly prioritized “healthy, white” immigrants, with legislation empowering the government to exclude those deemed racially unsuitable. This was formalized through laws like the Chinese Immigration Act of 1923, which effectively halted Chinese immigration for decades (Bolaria & Li, 1988). The racial preference for European immigrants persisted until the mid-20th century, when the aftermath of World War II and the global shift toward human rights began to challenge these discriminatory practices.
In the post-World War II period, a global discrediting of racism began to influence Canadian immigration policy. However, as Triadafilopoulos (2012) and Thobani (2007) argue, while overt racial discrimination diminished, Canada’s immigration system continued to favor European immigrants under the guise of “assimilability.” The points system, introduced in 1967, marked a shift toward skill-based immigration, formally ending racial selection. Yet, scholars like Ellermann (2019) note that biases persisted, with discrimination continuing subtly through factors such as language proficiency and education levels that disproportionately favored immigrants from Western countries.
Canada’s immigration policies evolved significantly over time, but the legacy of racial discrimination continued to influence the country’s approach to both permanent and temporary migration. Programs like the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP) and domestic worker schemes, initiated in the 1960s, perpetuated these biases by restricting pathways to permanent residency for non-European immigrants. Scholars argue that these programs reflect a history of racist immigration policies that categorized non-White workers as temporary, unfree labour suited for low-wage jobs but not for integration into Canadian society (Perry, 2012; Venkatesh, 2019).
Canada’s transition toward a more inclusive immigration system has been gradual and complex, influenced by global pressures and domestic labour needs. While the formal removal of racial criteria from immigration policies represents progress, the persistence of implicit biases highlights the ongoing challenges in fully addressing the legacy of discriminatory practices in Canada’s immigration history.
VANCOUVER – Contract negotiations resume today in Vancouver in a labour dispute that has paralyzed container cargo shipping at British Columbia’s ports since Monday.
The BC Maritime Employers Association and International Longshore and Warehouse Union Local 514 are scheduled to meet for the next three days in mediated talks to try to break a deadlock in negotiations.
The union, which represents more than 700 longshore supervisors at ports, including Vancouver, Prince Rupert and Nanaimo, has been without a contract since March last year.
The latest talks come after employers locked out workers in response to what it said was “strike activity” by union members.
The start of the lockout was then followed by several days of no engagement between the two parties, prompting federal Labour Minister Steven MacKinnon to speak with leaders on both sides, asking them to restart talks.
MacKinnon had said that the talks were “progressing at an insufficient pace, indicating a concerning absence of urgency from the parties involved” — a sentiment echoed by several business groups across Canada.
In a joint letter, more than 100 organizations, including the Canadian Chamber of Commerce, Business Council of Canada and associations representing industries from automotive and fertilizer to retail and mining, urged the government to do whatever it takes to end the work stoppage.
“While we acknowledge efforts to continue with mediation, parties have not been able to come to a negotiated agreement,” the letter says. “So, the federal government must take decisive action, using every tool at its disposal to resolve this dispute and limit the damage caused by this disruption.
“We simply cannot afford to once again put Canadian businesses at risk, which in turn puts Canadian livelihoods at risk.”
In the meantime, the union says it has filed a complaint to the Canada Industrial Relations Board against the employers, alleging the association threatened to pull existing conditions out of the last contract in direct contact with its members.
“The BCMEA is trying to undermine the union by attempting to turn members against its democratically elected leadership and bargaining committee — despite the fact that the BCMEA knows full well we received a 96 per cent mandate to take job action if needed,” union president Frank Morena said in a statement.
The employers have responded by calling the complaint “another meritless claim,” adding the final offer to the union that includes a 19.2 per cent wage increase over a four-year term remains on the table.
“The final offer has been on the table for over a week and represents a fair and balanced proposal for employees, and if accepted would end this dispute,” the employers’ statement says. “The offer does not require any concessions from the union.”
The union says the offer does not address the key issue of staffing requirement at the terminals as the port introduces more automation to cargo loading and unloading, which could potentially require fewer workers to operate than older systems.
The Port of Vancouver is the largest in Canada and has seen a number of labour disruptions, including two instances involving the rail and grain storage sectors earlier this year.
A 13-day strike by another group of workers at the port last year resulted in the disruption of a significant amount of shipping and trade.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 9, 2024.
The Royal Canadian Legion says a new partnership with e-commerce giant Amazon is helping boost its veterans’ fund, and will hopefully expand its donor base in the digital world.
Since the Oct. 25 launch of its Amazon.ca storefront, the legion says it has received nearly 10,000 orders for poppies.
Online shoppers can order lapel poppies on Amazon in exchange for donations or buy items such as “We Remember” lawn signs, Remembrance Day pins and other accessories, with all proceeds going to the legion’s Poppy Trust Fund for Canadian veterans and their families.
Nujma Bond, the legion’s national spokesperson, said the organization sees this move as keeping up with modern purchasing habits.
“As the world around us evolves we have been looking at different ways to distribute poppies and to make it easier for people to access them,” she said in an interview.
“This is definitely a way to reach a wider number of Canadians of all ages. And certainly younger Canadians are much more active on the web, on social media in general, so we’re also engaging in that way.”
Al Plume, a member of a legion branch in Trenton, Ont., said the online store can also help with outreach to veterans who are far from home.
“For veterans that are overseas and are away, (or) can’t get to a store they can order them online, it’s Amazon.” Plume said.
Plume spent 35 years in the military with the Royal Engineers, and retired eight years ago. He said making sure veterans are looked after is his passion.
“I’ve seen the struggles that our veterans have had with Veterans Affairs … and that’s why I got involved, with making sure that the people get to them and help the veterans with their paperwork.”
But the message about the Amazon storefront didn’t appear to reach all of the legion’s locations, with volunteers at Branch 179 on Vancouver’s Commercial Drive saying they hadn’t heard about the online push.
Holly Paddon, the branch’s poppy campaign co-ordinator and bartender, said the Amazon partnership never came up in meetings with other legion volunteers and officials.
“I work at the legion, I work with the Vancouver poppy office and I go to the meetings for the Vancouver poppy campaign — which includes all the legions in Vancouver — and not once has this been mentioned,” she said.
Paddon said the initiative is a great idea, but she would like to have known more about it.
The legion also sells a larger collection of items at poppystore.ca.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 9, 2024.
