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Toby Keith Had More to Talk About Than His Politics – The Atlantic

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In the spring of 1993, Mercury Records put three of its new country signees on a bus and sent them on a 15-city tour intended to raise their profile. It was a hell of an assemblage. There was the troubadour John Brannen, who possessed a rootsy sound and a quaver that channeled Roy Orbison’s. He alternated opening and closing slots with a former Oklahoma oil-field worker and semi-pro defensive end named Toby Keith. Playing in between was a brassy Canadian from a hardscrabble background: Shania Twain. It was Twain, in fact, who ran screaming to the front of the bus to tell Keith—who died Monday at 62—that his debut single, “Should’ve Been a Cowboy,” was playing on the radio.

“Should’ve Been a Cowboy” would top the Billboard Hot Country Singles chart that summer, establishing Keith as the breakout star of the trio. It was one of 10 songs on his 1993 self-titled debut that he wrote, and it established a persona that got him most of the way through the decade: the regretful romantic. It was a good lane, and he navigated it well. But to join Nashville’s growing parade of crossover stars, he had to dig deeper into his bag, both as a writer and as a performer. He pulled it off (with a little help from outside forces), becoming a household name in the process. Those same forces that made him a superstar, however, limited his reach in the end, obscuring a career of remarkable length and versatility.

At the beginning of his career, the strapping Keith was occasionally lumped in with country’s neo-traditionalists, who aimed for a simpler musical and sartorial presentation. These musicians still did tearjerkers, but those tended to be balanced out by leaner, honky-tonk crowd-pleasers. Keith was more interested in the ballads; the only line-dance-friendly cuts on his debut were the two songs he didn’t write. “Who’s That Man” (his second country No. 1) was a minor masterpiece of songwriting: a divorcé visits his family and comes to grips with what happened when he was there (“Turn left at the old hotel / I know this boulevard much too well”) and after.

Similarly aching singles followed, including the plaintive, fumbling love song “Me Too,” which was Keith’s third country No. 1. By now, his burly yearning was practically a trademark. The title track of 1997’s Dream Walkin’ depicts a one-night stand that lingers for a lifetime, delivered with Keith’s typical wryness: “She took my new sunglasses and my old jean jacket / And she never even bothered to ask.” The album also featured his biggest pop move yet: a cover of Sting’s Nashville ready-made “I’m So Happy I Can’t Stop Crying,” with the Englishman himself on bass and backing vocals. The collaboration led to Keith’s first Grammy nomination (and Sting’s only appearance on the country charts to date), but left Keith unfulfilled.

It possibly didn’t help that Twain, his former tourmate, turned her ’97 Mercury Records album into a pop juggernaut. Keith had proved to be a thoughtful craftsman, the rare country star who wrote the majority of his own material. But as contemporaries such as Twain, Garth Brooks, Tim McGraw, and the Dixie Chicks (now just the Chicks) achieved pop-country superstardom, Keith was still looking for his opening. “This is not a business where you compete against each other,” he had mused earlier in his career. “This is like golf. This is one where you play the course.”

When Keith jumped to DreamWorks Nashville (whose patron was the director Steven Spielberg), he embraced a different template: a little hammy, a little randy, reliant on smirks instead of strings. The album titles tell the story well enough: How Do You Like Me Now?!, Pull My Chain, Unleashed. The single “How Do You Like Me Now?!” kicked off a run of 10 country chart-toppers in five years. It was a kiss-off anthem whose sunny chorus belied the cruelty of the verses: “He never comes home, and you’re always alone / And your kids hear you cry down the hall.” It was the top country song of 2000, and the first of 16 Top 40 pop hits for Keith. To put this in football terms, the onetime United States Football League hopeful had implemented a brand-new scheme, then promptly dominated the league.

But the game soon changed. Keith’s seething post-9/11 single “Courtesy of the Red, White and Blue (The Angry American)” gained a cultural notoriety that far outpaced its performance on the radio (a single week at No. 1 on the country charts). One of the rawest songs to ever hit the country airwaves, it leveraged Keith’s unleashed personality to grim ends (“We’ll put a boot in your ass / It’s the American way”). In a field not lacking for contenders, it became the pro-war country song in the pop-culture consciousness, and outside Music Row, it’s arguably Keith’s signature tune.

He finally had the pop profile to rival the McGraws of the world—and having played the course, he was free to cause a ruckus in the clubhouse. Keith’s running feud with the Chicks’ lead singer, Natalie Maines (who publicly ripped the message of “The Angry American”), was shocking for how it dispensed with country’s usual professional chumminess. In time, Keith would express regret at how he reacted (including, famously, putting her picture next to Saddam Hussein’s during concerts). But his initial response revealed that perhaps his changing reputation was bothering him the most: “I’m a songwriter. She’s not.”

Still, “songwriter” would never be a major part of Keith’s public image. Nor was he a culture warrior on the level of Ted Nugent or John Rich; he was as likely to pull a punch as to throw one. The longtime yellow-dog Democrat (and eventual registered Independent) tried to play it down the middle, in the ensuing years—making appearances on The Colbert Report, and praising Barack Obama’s performance as commander in chief on The Joy Behar Show—but for a general audience, there was no altering his profile, only maintaining it; he would remain the angry American.

Which was a shame. Keith remained a reliable hitmaker through the end of the 2000s, in part by reviving the romanticism that fueled his early hits. Only now his attention had shifted from the bedroom to the barroom. For every dutiful piece of grunt work like “American Soldier,” there was an “I Love This Bar,” a hymn to the local watering hole that squeezes tech workers, veterans, and strippers into the same booth. For every “Beer for My Horses” (a disquietingly rousing celebration of vigilante justice featuring Willie Nelson), he wrote an “As Good as I Once Was,” a Brad Paisley–style farce about picking your spots in middle age. “I used to be hell on wheels,” Keith keens on the bridge, with a glimpse of the yearning he so easily summoned at the outset of his career, ”back when I was a younger man.”

Just as the neo-traditionalists had done to pop-country crooners such as B. J. Thomas and Juice Newton, a new crop of country singers supplanted Keith in the 2010s. The double-time yapping of Keith’s “I Wanna Talk About Me” was jettisoned in favor of cadences cribbed from rap. His peers drew on honky-tonk both as style and setting; singers such as Luke Bryan and Jason Aldean were more likely to raise a toast on a tailgate than drop a tear in their beer. (Still, Keith’s last Top 40 hit, the loop-de-looping singalong “Red Solo Cup,” showed that when it came to making bro-country, he was as good as he’d ever been.) Toby Keith—like Kenny Chesney or Twain—used a larger-than-life persona to shift an otherwise fine career into a higher gear. He leaves behind a catalog full of weepers and floor-stompers, delivered with pathos and humor. For detractors (and many fans), he may remain the Angry American, but the last compilation he issued in his lifetime made clear how he saw himself: 100% Songwriter.

Brad Shoup is a freelance writer and critic whose work has appeared in Pitchfork, Billboard, and SPIN.

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Gould calls Poilievre a ‘fraudster’ over his carbon price warning

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OTTAWA – Liberal House leader Karina Gould lambasted Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre as a “fraudster” this morning after he said the federal carbon price is going to cause a “nuclear winter.”

Gould was speaking just before the House of Commons is set to reopen following the summer break.

“What I heard yesterday from Mr. Poilievre was so over the top, so irresponsible, so immature, and something that only a fraudster would do,” she said from Parliament Hill.

On Sunday Poilievre said increasing the carbon price will cause a “nuclear winter,” painting a dystopian picture of people starving and freezing because they can’t afford food or heat due the carbon price.

He said the Liberals’ obsession with carbon pricing is “an existential threat to our economy and our way of life.”

The carbon price currently adds about 17.6 cents to every litre of gasoline, but that cost is offset by carbon rebates mailed to Canadians every three months. The Parliamentary Budget Office provided analysis that showed eight in 10 households receive more from the rebates than they pay in carbon pricing, though the office also warned that long-term economic effects could harm jobs and wage growth.

Gould accused Poilievre of ignoring the rebates, and refusing to tell Canadians how he would make life more affordable while battling climate change. The Liberals have also accused the Conservatives of dismissing the expertise of more than 200 economists who wrote a letter earlier this year describing the carbon price as the least expensive, most efficient way to lower emissions.

Poilievre is pushing for the other opposition parties to vote the government down and trigger what he calls a “carbon tax election.”

The recent decision by the NDP to break its political pact with the government makes an early election more likely, but there does not seem to be an interest from either the Bloc Québécois or the NDP to have it happen immediately.

Poilievre intends to bring a non-confidence motion against the government as early as this week but would likely need both the Bloc and NDP to support it.

Gould said she has no “crystal ball” over when or how often Poilievre might try to bring down the government

“I know that the end of the supply and confidence agreement makes things a bit different, but really all it does is returns us to a normal minority parliament,” she said. “And that means that we will work case-by-case, legislation-by-legislation with whichever party wants to work with us. I have already been in touch with all of the House leaders in the opposition parties and my job now is to make Parliament work for Canadians.”

She also insisted the government has listened to the concerns raised by Canadians, and received the message when the Liberals lost a Toronto byelection in June in seat the party had held since 1997.

“We certainly got the message from Toronto-St. Paul’s and have spent the summer reflecting on what that means and are coming back to Parliament, I think, very clearly focused on ensuring that Canadians are at the centre of everything that we do moving forward,” she said.

The Liberals are bracing, however, for the possibility of another blow Monday night, in a tight race to hold a Montreal seat in a byelection there. Voters in LaSalle—Émard—Verdun are casting ballots today to replace former justice minister David Lametti, who was removed from cabinet in 2023 and resigned as an MP in January.

The Conservatives and NDP are also in a tight race in Elmwood-Transcona, a Winnipeg seat that has mostly been held by the NDP over the last several decades.

There are several key bills making their way through the legislative process, including the online harms act and the NDP-endorsed pharmacare bill, which is currently in the Senate.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 16, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Voters head to the polls for byelections in Montreal and Winnipeg

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OTTAWA – Canadians in two federal ridings are choosing their next member of Parliament today, and political parties are closely watching the results.

Winnipeg’s Elmwood —Transcona seat has been vacant since the NDP’s Daniel Blaikie left federal politics.

The New Democrats are hoping to hold onto the riding and polls suggest the Conservatives are in the running.

The Montreal seat of LaSalle—Émard—Verdun opened up when former justice minister David Lametti left politics.

Polls suggest the race is tight between the Liberal candidate and the Bloc Québécois, but the NDP is also hopeful it can win.

The Conservatives took over a Liberal stronghold seat in another byelection in Toronto earlier this summer, a loss that sent shock waves through the governing party and intensified calls for Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to step down as leader.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 16, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Next phase of federal foreign interference inquiry to begin today in Ottawa

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OTTAWA – The latest phase of a federal inquiry into foreign interference is set to kick off today with remarks from commissioner Marie-Josée Hogue.

Several weeks of public hearings will focus on the capacity of federal agencies to detect, deter and counter foreign interference.

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and key government officials took part in hearings earlier this year as the inquiry explored allegations that Beijing tried to meddle in the 2019 and 2021 federal elections.

Hogue’s interim report, released in early May, said Beijing’s actions did not affect the overall results of the two general elections.

The report said while outcomes in a small number of ridings may have been affected by interference, this cannot be said with certainty.

Trudeau, members of his inner circle and senior security officials are slated to return to the inquiry in coming weeks.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 16, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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