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US economy may derail Trump 2020 victory – OMFIF

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Former US President Bill Clinton’s campaign strategist, James Carville, famously remarked that when it came to winning elections it was the economy, stupid.

This dictum has led many observers to surmise that the strong US economy makes President Donald Trump’s re-election in 2020 nearly certain. However, between now and November there can be many an economic slip. This would seem to be especially the case at a time when the International Monetary Fund estimates that 90% of the world’s economies are experiencing slowdowns.

This was the lesson that Republican hopeful John McCain learned as the US and global economies collapsed on the eve of the November 2008 presidential election, after having started the year on a seemingly sound footing.

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To be sure, if the election were held today, the strong US economy would make Trump a formidable candidate for re-election.

Unemployment is at a 50-year low, the economy is growing at a satisfactory rate, wages are rising and the US stock market is beating record levels on almost a daily basis.

These achievements come at the cost of incurring a large budget deficit and a ballooning public debt that might have mortgaged the country’s economic future, but such matters are unlikely to be of concern to the electorate.

Unfortunately for Trump, today’s US economy will not be the determining factor in the 2020 presidential election. Rather, what will matter is how the US economy and financial markets perform in the months immediately running up to November 2020. In six months, the US economy could be looking decidedly less rosy.

Today, much like in early 2008, serious risks hang over the US and global economies. These include a global credit and asset price bubble of epic proportions, spawned by a decade of ultra-easy money by the world’s main central banks.

Global debt-to-GDP levels today are significantly higher than they were at the start of 2008. US and global equity valuations are stretched, housing bubbles have re-appeared in a number of important economies, and an alarming amount of credit has been extended to non-creditworthy borrowers around the globe at historically low interest rates.

No one can know when the global credit and asset market bubble will burst or what event will cause it to do so. However, with the abrupt change in the global economy over the past year, it would be rash to dismiss the possibility that the global credit bubble could burst well before the election.

The Chinese economy shows clear signs of losing momentum, the German, Italian, and UK economies all appear to be on the cusp of recessions, and the Indian economic growth rate has halved amid increased domestic political strife. Trump has a fragile truce in his trade war with China and is threatening to impose additional import tariffs on an already weak European economy.

The global political landscape is deteriorating. Geopolitical risks in North Korea and Iran have increased and the Middle East is in turmoil once again. Social protests are gaining momentum in countries as disparate as Chile, Colombia, France, Hong Kong, India, Iran and Venezuela.

Past experience, including that in 2008, should be informing us that when credit and asset price bubbles burst, the economic and financial market fallout can be disruptively large. It should also be reminding us as to how interconnected the world’s economic and financial system has become. In the same way as in 2008 the Lehman bankruptcy spilled over from the US to the rest of the global economy, a systemic crisis abroad could very well spill back to American shores.

Trump could be lucky in November; the global credit bubble may burst after his re-election. However, this is far from a certainty. It is equally possible that this time next year, we will look back and ask ourselves how we could have missed so many early warning signs about real trouble ahead in the global economy. These include the recent sovereign debt default in Argentina, the rising private credit defaults in China and Turkey, the WeWork financial fiasco, and the abrupt economic slowdown in China and Germany, the world’s second and third largest economies respectively.

Desmond Lachman is a resident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. He was formerly a deputy director in the International Monetary Fund’s Policy Development and Review Department and the chief emerging market economic strategist at Salomon Smith Barney.

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Economy

Biden's Hot Economy Stokes Currency Fears for the Rest of World – Bloomberg

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As Joe Biden this week hailed America’s booming economy as the strongest in the world during a reelection campaign tour of battleground-state Pennsylvania, global finance chiefs convening in Washington had a different message: cool it.

The push-back from central bank governors and finance ministers gathering for the International Monetary Fund-World Bank spring meetings highlight how the sting from a surging US economy — manifested through high interest rates and a strong dollar — is ricocheting around the world by forcing other currencies lower and complicating plans to bring down borrowing costs.

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Opinion: Higher capital gains taxes won't work as claimed, but will harm the economy – The Globe and Mail

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Open this photo in gallery:

Canada’s Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland hold the 2024-25 budget, on Parliament Hill in Ottawa, on April 16.Patrick Doyle/Reuters

Alex Whalen and Jake Fuss are analysts at the Fraser Institute.

Amid a federal budget riddled with red ink and tax hikes, the Trudeau government has increased capital gains taxes. The move will be disastrous for Canada’s growth prospects and its already-lagging investment climate, and to make matters worse, research suggests it won’t work as planned.

Currently, individuals and businesses who sell a capital asset in Canada incur capital gains taxes at a 50-per-cent inclusion rate, which means that 50 per cent of the gain in the asset’s value is subject to taxation at the individual or business’s marginal tax rate. The Trudeau government is raising this inclusion rate to 66.6 per cent for all businesses, trusts and individuals with capital gains over $250,000.

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The problems with hiking capital gains taxes are numerous.

First, capital gains are taxed on a “realization” basis, which means the investor does not incur capital gains taxes until the asset is sold. According to empirical evidence, this creates a “lock-in” effect where investors have an incentive to keep their capital invested in a particular asset when they might otherwise sell.

For example, investors may delay selling capital assets because they anticipate a change in government and a reversal back to the previous inclusion rate. This means the Trudeau government is likely overestimating the potential revenue gains from its capital gains tax hike, given that individual investors will adjust the timing of their asset sales in response to the tax hike.

Second, the lock-in effect creates a drag on economic growth as it incentivizes investors to hold off selling their assets when they otherwise might, preventing capital from being deployed to its most productive use and therefore reducing growth.

Budget’s capital gains tax changes divide the small business community

And Canada’s growth prospects and investment climate have both been in decline. Canada currently faces the lowest growth prospects among all OECD countries in terms of GDP per person. Further, between 2014 and 2021, business investment (adjusted for inflation) in Canada declined by $43.7-billion. Hiking taxes on capital will make both pressing issues worse.

Contrary to the government’s framing – that this move only affects the wealthy – lagging business investment and slow growth affect all Canadians through lower incomes and living standards. Capital taxes are among the most economically damaging forms of taxation precisely because they reduce the incentive to innovate and invest. And while taxes on capital gains do raise revenue, the economic costs exceed the amount of tax collected.

Previous governments in Canada understood these facts. In the 2000 federal budget, then-finance minister Paul Martin said a “key factor contributing to the difficulty of raising capital by new startups is the fact that individuals who sell existing investments and reinvest in others must pay tax on any realized capital gains,” an explicit acknowledgment of the lock-in effect and costs of capital gains taxes. Further, that Liberal government reduced the capital gains inclusion rate, acknowledging the importance of a strong investment climate.

At a time when Canada badly needs to improve the incentives to invest, the Trudeau government’s 2024 budget has introduced a damaging tax hike. In delivering the budget, Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland said “Canada, a growing country, needs to make investments in our country and in Canadians right now.” Individuals and businesses across the country likely agree on the importance of investment. Hiking capital gains taxes will achieve the exact opposite effect.

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Nigeria's Economy, Once Africa's Biggest, Slips to Fourth Place – Bloomberg

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Nigeria’s economy, which ranked as Africa’s largest in 2022, is set to slip to fourth place this year and Egypt, which held the top position in 2023, is projected to fall to second behind South Africa after a series of currency devaluations, International Monetary Fund forecasts show.

The IMF’s World Economic Outlook estimates Nigeria’s gross domestic product at $253 billion based on current prices this year, lagging energy-rich Algeria at $267 billion, Egypt at $348 billion and South Africa at $373 billion.

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