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Why UP is a fertile ground for hate politics – The Tribune India

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Aunindyo Chakravarty

Senior Journalist

Every five years, just ahead of the Assembly elections, Uttar Pradesh becomes a hotbed of communal politics. It has started once again, ranging from subtle references to Aurangzeb and Shivaji to outright hate speeches and calls for the ethnic cleansing of Muslims. It is easy to believe that these are the handiwork of cynical politicians who polarise the electorate to get votes. And that is partly true. Netas light up the fuel of religious discord and their party workers actively spread the fire. But this approach does not explain why it is so easy to weaponise religious differences in UP.

Some of the reasons for this can be found in the history, demographics and political economy of the state. While Muslims make up less than 20 per cent of UP’s population, they are heavily concentrated in its towns and cities. In the state’s villages, only one in every six persons is a Muslim, but in urban areas that number rises to one in three. According to a report by the Centre for Policy Studies (CPS) — whose board of directors includes several luminaries from the Sangh Parivar — there’s been a steady increase in the number of Muslim-majority towns in UP: from 17 per cent in 1981 to 25 per cent in 2011. The report also says that Muslims account for more than 40 per cent of the population in more than half of the urban talukas in the state.

This has had a significant impact on the political representation of Muslims in Uttar Pradesh — the smaller the electoral unit, the more likely it was for a Muslim to win it. In 2009, less than nine per cent of UP’s Lok Sabha MPs were Muslim, even when the Congress, BSP and SP had won most of the seats. Three years later, in the Assembly elections, Muslim MLAs accounted for about 17 per cent of the state legislative Assembly, close to the share of Muslims in the overall population. However, as political scientist AK Verma showed, Muslims won over 31 per cent of the seats in the 2012 urban local body elections, which is in line with their urban population.

This suggests that by 2012, Muslims played a visibly significant role in the exercise of power in UP’s towns, especially in the Ruhelkhand, western UP and Awadh sub-regions. It also points to the concentration of Muslims into dense residential clusters in these towns. This has lent itself beautifully to communal politics, as visible spatial examples of the discourse of us-vs-them.

And since modern politics always uses the language of numbers to validate itself, an entire body of ‘data analysis’ — real and false — has arisen around these trends. The CPS report cited above, for instance, differentiates between Muslims and ‘Indian religionists’, and also makes the claim that the “rapid rise in the share of Muslims” in UP’s towns has “involved or led to an out-migration of other communities, mainly Hindus, from several towns.” A single look at the report will show how this claim is based on flimsy, cherry-picked evidence.

The rise of Muslim populations in UP’s urban centres has a lot to do with the way the state’s economy developed after Independence. Muslims had played a significant role in traditional crafts — weaving, embroidery, metalwork, jaggery-making. As these crafts became modernised and moved out of the villages, Muslims began to move to urban areas in search of work. Muslims found it difficult to get steady salaried jobs in the post-Partition India, and their dependence on self-employment increased.

This is not restricted to UP alone, but is an India-wide phenomenon. For instance, the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS), 2019-20, shows that while 51 per cent of the urban Hindus who have work get regular salaries or wages, the corresponding proportion for the Muslims is only 36 per cent. Again, while less than 37 per cent of the urban Hindus who have work, are self-employed, the number for the Muslims is 45 per cent. The Muslims, therefore, have a disproportionate presence in several occupations — tailor, auto-mechanic, cab-driver, delivery personnel, house-painter — which upper and intermediate caste Hindus have tended to shun.

So, as salaried jobs have got squeezed, both in the private and government sectors, young Hindus, especially male, have begun to try their hand at ‘entrepreneurship’. But the overall economic slowdown over the last 10 years has made it extremely difficult to succeed at business. As the Lokniti-KAS surveys have shown, this has caused a marked drop in the number of young people wanting to start their own businesses — from over 15 per cent in 2007 to less than 10 per cent in 2016. Similarly, the proportion of India’s youth who want government jobs rose to 62 per cent in 2007 to 65 per cent in 2016. This has resulted in higher job ‘anxiety’ amongst the young.

All this has happened in the backdrop of successive governments asking young people to create their own jobs. Competition in the self-employed space has increased sharply over the past decade. When young Hindus from upper and intermediate castes look for ways to earning a living, they are faced with a lack of salaried jobs and when they reluctantly turn to self-employment opportunities, they find the presence of young Muslims, who were already reconciled to such work. This has increased the anxieties of the ‘other’ taking away jobs meant for ‘us’. Such psychosocial pathologies very easily translate into discourses about demography, where people readily believe false theories about an alleged Muslim population explosion.

On top of this sits an entire public culture that promotes communal mindsets. It ranges from Bollywood cinema, which stereotypes the Muslim ‘terrorist’, through pop-history spread via WhatsApp forwards, to prime-time television debates which demonise Muslims and Islam. It is no wonder that the Lokniti-KAS survey shows that young people born in the 21st century are more likely to be socially conservative than those born in the 1990s.

The discursive framework and ideologies within which today’s youth produce their ideas is dominated by communal notions, themes and images. It is no surprise, therefore, that UP’s towns and cities, with their high Muslim populations, form a fertile ground for the politics of hate and exclusion.

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‘Disgraceful:’ N.S. Tory leader slams school’s request that military remove uniform

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HALIFAX – Nova Scotia Premier Tim Houston says it’s “disgraceful and demeaning” that a Halifax-area school would request that service members not wear military uniforms to its Remembrance Day ceremony.

Houston’s comments were part of a chorus of criticism levelled at the school — Sackville Heights Elementary — whose administration decided to back away from the plan after the outcry.

A November newsletter from the school in Middle Sackville, N.S., invited Armed Forces members to attend its ceremony but asked that all attendees arrive in civilian attire to “maintain a welcoming environment for all.”

Houston, who is currently running for re-election, accused the school’s leaders of “disgracing themselves while demeaning the people who protect our country” in a post on the social media platform X Thursday night.

“If the people behind this decision had a shred of the courage that our veterans have, this cowardly and insulting idea would have been rejected immediately,” Houston’s post read. There were also several calls for resignations within the school’s administration attached to Houston’s post.

In an email to families Thursday night, the school’s principal, Rachael Webster, apologized and welcomed military family members to attend “in the attire that makes them most comfortable.”

“I recognize this request has caused harm and I am deeply sorry,” Webster’s email read, adding later that the school has the “utmost respect for what the uniform represents.”

Webster said the initial request was out of concern for some students who come from countries experiencing conflict and who she said expressed discomfort with images of war, including military uniforms.

Her email said any students who have concerns about seeing Armed Forces members in uniform can be accommodated in a way that makes them feel safe, but she provided no further details in the message.

Webster did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

At a news conference Friday, Houston said he’s glad the initial request was reversed but said he is still concerned.

“I can’t actually fathom how a decision like that was made,” Houston told reporters Friday, adding that he grew up moving between military bases around the country while his father was in the Armed Forces.

“My story of growing up in a military family is not unique in our province. The tradition of service is something so many of us share,” he said.

“Saying ‘lest we forget’ is a solemn promise to the fallen. It’s our commitment to those that continue to serve and our commitment that we will pass on our respects to the next generation.”

Liberal Leader Zach Churchill also said he’s happy with the school’s decision to allow uniformed Armed Forces members to attend the ceremony, but he said he didn’t think it was fair to question the intentions of those behind the original decision.

“We need to have them (uniforms) on display at Remembrance Day,” he said. “Not only are we celebrating (veterans) … we’re also commemorating our dead who gave the greatest sacrifice for our country and for the freedoms we have.”

NDP Leader Claudia Chender said that while Remembrance Day is an important occasion to honour veterans and current service members’ sacrifices, she said she hopes Houston wasn’t taking advantage of the decision to “play politics with this solemn occasion for his own political gain.”

“I hope Tim Houston reached out to the principal of the school before making a public statement,” she said in a statement.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 8, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Saskatchewan NDP’s Beck holds first caucus meeting after election, outlines plans

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REGINA – Saskatchewan Opposition NDP Leader Carla Beck says she wants to prove to residents her party is the government in waiting as she heads into the incoming legislative session.

Beck held her first caucus meeting with 27 members, nearly double than what she had before the Oct. 28 election but short of the 31 required to form a majority in the 61-seat legislature.

She says her priorities will be health care and cost-of-living issues.

Beck says people need affordability help right now and will press Premier Scott Moe’s Saskatchewan Party government to cut the gas tax and the provincial sales tax on children’s clothing and some grocery items.

Beck’s NDP is Saskatchewan’s largest Opposition in nearly two decades after sweeping Regina and winning all but one seat in Saskatoon.

The Saskatchewan Party won 34 seats, retaining its hold on all of the rural ridings and smaller cities.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 8, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Nova Scotia election: Liberals say province’s immigration levels are too high

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HALIFAX – Nova Scotia‘s growing population was the subject of debate on Day 12 of the provincial election campaign, with Liberal Leader Zach Churchill arguing immigration levels must be reduced until the province can provide enough housing and health-care services.

Churchill said Thursday a plan by the incumbent Progressive Conservatives to double the province’s population to two million people by the year 2060 is unrealistic and unsustainable.

“That’s a big leap and it’s making life harder for people who live here, (including ) young people looking for a place to live and seniors looking to downsize,” he told a news conference at his campaign headquarters in Halifax.

Anticipating that his call for less immigration might provoke protests from the immigrant community, Churchill was careful to note that he is among the third generation of a family that moved to Nova Scotia from Lebanon.

“I know the value of immigration, the importance of it to our province. We have been built on the backs of an immigrant population. But we just need to do it in a responsible way.”

The Liberal leader said Tim Houston’s Tories, who are seeking a second term in office, have made a mistake by exceeding immigration targets set by the province’s Department of Labour and Immigration. Churchill said a Liberal government would abide by the department’s targets.

In the most recent fiscal year, the government welcomed almost 12,000 immigrants through its nominee program, exceeding the department’s limit by more than 4,000, he said. The numbers aren’t huge, but the increase won’t help ease the province’s shortages in housing and doctors, and the increased strain on its infrastructure, including roads, schools and cellphone networks, Churchill said.

“(The Immigration Department) has done the hard work on this,” he said. “They know where the labour gaps are, and they know what growth is sustainable.”

In response, Houston said his commitment to double the population was a “stretch goal.” And he said the province had long struggled with a declining population before that trend was recently reversed.

“The only immigration that can come into this province at this time is if they are a skilled trade worker or a health-care worker,” Houston said. “The population has grown by two per cent a year, actually quite similar growth to what we experienced under the Liberal government before us.”

Still, Houston said he’s heard Nova Scotians’ concerns about population growth, and he then pivoted to criticize Prime Minister Justin Trudeau for trying to send 6,000 asylum seekers to Nova Scotia, an assertion the federal government has denied.

Churchill said Houston’s claim about asylum seekers was shameful.

“It’s smoke and mirrors,” the Liberal leader said. “He is overshooting his own department’s numbers for sustainable population growth and yet he is trying to blame this on asylum seekers … who aren’t even here.”

In September, federal Immigration Minister Marc Miller said there is no plan to send any asylum seekers to the province without compensation or the consent of the premier. He said the 6,000 number was an “aspirational” figure based on models that reflect each province’s population.

In Halifax, NDP Leader Claudia Chender said it’s clear Nova Scotia needs more doctors, nurses and skilled trades people.

“Immigration has been and always will be a part of the Nova Scotia story, but we need to build as we grow,” Chender said. “This is why we have been pushing the Houston government to build more affordable housing.”

Chender was in a Halifax cafe on Thursday when she promised her party would remove the province’s portion of the harmonized sales tax from all grocery, cellphone and internet bills if elected to govern on Nov. 26. The tax would also be removed from the sale and installation of heat pumps.

“Our focus is on helping people to afford their lives,” Chender told reporters. “We know there are certain things that you can’t live without: food, internet and a phone …. So we know this will have the single biggest impact.”

The party estimates the measure would save the average Nova Scotia family about $1,300 a year.

“That’s a lot more than a one or two per cent HST cut,” Chender said, referring to the Progressive Conservative pledge to reduce the tax by one percentage point and the Liberal promise to trim it by two percentage points.

Elsewhere on the campaign trail, Houston announced that a Progressive Conservative government would make parking free at all Nova Scotia hospitals and health-care centres. The promise was also made by the Liberals in their election platform released Monday.

“Free parking may not seem like a big deal to some, but … the parking, especially for people working at the facilities, can add up to hundreds of dollars,” the premier told a news conference at his campaign headquarters in Halifax.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 7, 2024.

— With files from Keith Doucette in Halifax

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