Politics

Continuity and change in South Korean politics – East Asia Forum

Published

2 years ago

May 5, 2022

Author: Jong Eun Lee, American University

On 9 March 2022, South Korea held a closely contested presidential election after months of volatile, acrimonious campaigns. Conservative People Power Party (PPP) candidate Yoon Suk-yeol was announced the winner with 48.56 per cent of the vote. Ruling Democratic Party candidate Lee Jae-myung was just 0.73 per cent behind, the closest margin ever in South Korean history.

In December 2016, former president Park Geun-hye was impeached after the nationwide protests against her political scandals. In the subsequent presidential election, the ruling party suffered a defeat, politically distanced itself from Park and renamed itself the PPP. The newly elected president from the opposition Democratic Party, Moon Jae-in, pledged to end political corruption.

The past five years were tumultuous for South Korean politics. Seoul witnessed summits between the heads of states of two Koreas and the United States. The Democratic Party achieved landslide victories in local and legislative elections. The government was initially praised for its management of COVID-19, dubbed ‘K-Quarantine’, but later faced domestic criticism for the increasing socioeconomic costs of its quarantine measures.

These experiences contributed to the competitive, dynamic presidential election. While supporters of the ruling party viewed the election as an opportunity to continue the ‘candlelight revolution’, the opposition sought to hold accountable the ‘populist, hypocritical’ government and restore ‘fairness and common sense’ in politics. President-elect Yoon is a former prosecutor general who investigated corruption allegations against the Moon administration. Lee is former governor of Gyeonggi province with a reputation as an economic populist. Together, they embodied the contrasting political aspirations of a divided South Korean electorate.

While voter turnout was roughly the same as in 2017 — about 77 per cent — all major candidates faced high disapproval ratings throughout the campaign. Despite concerns that the high unfavorability ratings of two major candidates could depress the turnout, South Korean voters continue to be engaged in political participation.

Due to the legacy of the past military dictatorships, politics have traditionally been divided along regions — conservative parties dominant in the southeast Kyongsang province, while the more progressive parties dominant in the southwest Joella province. While the two major parties won in their respective regional stronghold, Yoon’s frequent campaign visits to Jeolla province and his pledge to honour the region’s contribution to past democratisation have achieved small inroads into the democratic stronghold. Lee also increased democratic vote share in his hometown province of Kyongsang, creating cracks in the regional political alignment.

Nationwide, older South Koreans in their 60s and above tended to vote for Yoon, while middle-aged voters in their 40s and 50s tended to vote for Lee Jae-myung. Young voters in their 20s and 30s acted as a swing electorate. Many young, first-time voters view the ruling Democratic Party as the new establishment tarnished by corruption and were more receptive to some of the PPP’s policy proposals. This was particularly the case for men under 30 — nearly three in five voted for Yoon.

Young male voters have also espoused more hardline views toward North Korea and China and perceived the Moon administration’s foreign policy as overly conciliatory. They have also criticised the ruling Democratic Party for a ‘lack of fairness’ in employment, housing and gender-related policies. Young female voters, on the other hand, have maintained more liberal views toward foreign and social policies and, despite some aversion toward personal allegations surrounding Lee, ultimately voted for him.

But even among female voters in their 20s, Yoon achieved a higher percentage (33.8 per cent) than previous conservative candidates, including Park, the first woman elected president. Such results pose a warning for the Democratic Party that its traditional advantage among young voters has significantly weakened.

South Korea remains a largely two-party political system closely divided between the PPP and the Democratic Party. Minor candidates such as the Justice Party’s Sim Sang-jung and the People Party’s Ahn Cheol-soo barely registered. In fact, Ahn gave up days before the election and endorsed Yoon. While the PPP won the presidency, the Democratic Party holds a large majority in the National Assembly thanks to its victory in the previous legislative election.

South Korea will face a divided government where the two major parties struggle to achieve bipartisan cooperation. While resuming many conservative economic and security policies, the incoming Yoon administration, which take office on 10 May, could prove successful in overcoming political divides by distinguishing itself from past conservative governments administrations. To expand support in traditionally Democratic areas and demographics, Yoon may embrace a ‘new conservative’ agenda that includes policies toward balanced regional development and ‘fair opportunities’ for the youth in employment and housing.

At the same time, Yoon could struggle to bridge the cultural differences between the PPP’s older, more traditional base and the new younger supporters. As South Korea’s two major political parties vie for support among young swing voters, both will face challenges in addressing different perceptions of ‘fairness’ between younger male and female voters to avoid alienating one group at the expense of the other.

Jong Eun Lee is a PhD Candidate and Adjunct Instructor at the School of International Service, American University.

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Politics

B.C. Conservatives, NDP both announce plans to help ease B.C. housing crisis

Published

10 hours ago

September 27, 2024

Anne Joseph

Both of the main candidates in British Columbia‘s election campaign pushed their own plans to solve parts of the housing crisis.

B.C. Conservative Leader John Rustad told a news conference in Surrey that his government would end the multi-year permit delays and would get homes built at the speed and scale needed to address the housing crisis.

NDP Leader David Eby went to Cumberland on Vancouver Island to promote his party’s plan to fast-track factory-built homes.

Eby said pre-built homes would cut waste, reduce emissions, and advances in the industry mean the homes are “beautiful and high-quality.”

He said the process was “more like Lego” than normal construction.

“The idea is pretty straightforward. In a controlled factory environment, you can build faster, you can build with less waste and the homes that are built are more consistent and more efficient and it’s cheaper.”

Rustad said the Conservative Party of B.C. would redesign the approval process for home building, setting a six-month limit for rezoning and development permit and three months for a building permit.

“This means that we will significantly be able to improve the time frame it takes to actually get construction happening in this province, and we’ll be working with city halls across the province to be able to meet these timelines,” Rustad said.

If a clear yes or no isn’t issued by a city within that limit, the province would issue the permit, said a B.C. Conservative news release announcing the platform.

Rustad said the party would remove NDP taxes on housing, support transit-oriented communities, reform development cost charges and make taxes fair for homeowners.

“We have so much regulation that has been put in place associated with housing that it makes it really difficult for anybody to be able to actually get through and build things, not to mention the cost,” he said. “So we’ll amend the Local Government Act to prevent any home killing red tape that has been introduced by this government.”

The party’s statement also outlined their zoning plan, adding that it would work with BC Assessment “to make sure that current homeowners don’t get hit with higher tax bills based on future potential.”

The party statement said, if elected, a Conservative government would build new towns, saying B.C. is blessed with an abundance of land, but the NDP refuses to use it to end the housing shortage.

“We will identify land outside the Agricultural Land Reserve that has the potential to support beautiful new communities.”

A statement issued by the NDP on Friday said it would work with industry, municipalities and First Nations to create a provincewide framework for prefabricated homes so builders know what’s required in every community.

It said there would be a pre-approved set of designs to reduce the permitting process, and it would work to develop skills training needed to support prefabricated home construction.

The statement said Scandinavian countries had embraced factory-built homes, which “offer an alternative to the much slower, more costly process of building on-site.”

“By growing B.C.’s own factory-built home construction industry, everyone from multi-generational families to municipalities will be able to quickly build single homes, duplexes and triplexes on land they already own,” Eby said.

The party said legislation passed by the NDP government last year was a “game changer” for the factory-built home construction industry in the province, where there are currently 10 certified manufacturing plants.

Muchalat Construction Ltd. is one of them, and owner Tania Formosa said pre-approved structures speed up the building process considerably.

She said her company’s projects currently take 12 to 13 months to complete, from startup design to getting the house on site.

“If everything was in place and fast-tracked at the beginning and we were able to just fly along, it would probably take three months off the full schedule,” she said.

She said a main issue for modular manufacturers is that work gets stalled if they run into roadblocks with jurisdictions or BC Housing in the approval process.

“There’s no option for the manufacturer to start another project,” she said. “Having our products approved prior to the process would be amazing.”

She acknowledged the potential drawback of pre-approved designs creating a cookie-cutter look for some neighbourhoods.

“Unfortunately (what) happens in your jurisdiction, in your city, is it ends up looking a lot the same, but what are your priorities?”

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 27, 2024.

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Technology upgrades mean speedier results expected for B.C. provincial election

Published

2 days ago

September 26, 2024

Anne Joseph

British Columbians could find out who wins the provincial election on Oct. 19 in about the same time it took to start counting ballots in previous votes.

Andrew Watson, a spokesman for Elections BC, says new electronic vote tabulators mean officials hope to have half of the preliminary results for election night reported within about 30 minutes, and to be substantially complete within an hour of polls closing.

Watson says in previous general elections — where votes have been counted manually — they didn’t start the tallies until about 45 minutes after polls closed.

This will B.C.’s first general election using electronic tabulators after the system was tested in byelections in 2022 and 2023, and Watson says the changes will make the process both faster and more accessible.

Voters still mark their candidate on a paper ballot that will then be fed into the electronic counter, while networked laptops will be used to look up peoples’ names and cross them off the voters list.

One voting location in each riding will also offer various accessible voting methods for the first time, where residents will be able to listen to an audio recording of the candidates and make their selection using either large paddles or by blowing into or sucking on a straw.

The province’s three main party leaders are campaigning across B.C. today with NDP Leader David Eby in Chilliwack promising to double apprenticeships for skilled trades, Conservative Leader John Rustad in Prince George talking power generation, and Greens Leader Sonia Furstenau holding an announcement Thursday about mental health.

It comes as a health-care advocacy group wants to know where British Columbia politicians stand on six key issues ahead of an election it says will decide the future of public health in the province.

The BC Health Coalition wants improved care for seniors, universal access to essential medicine, better access to primary care, reduced surgery wait times, and sustainable working conditions for health-care workers.

It also wants pledges to protect funding for public health care, asking candidates to phase out contracts to profit-driven corporate providers that it says are draining funds from public services.

Ayendri Riddell, the coalition’s director of policy and campaigns, said in a statement that British Columbians need to know if parties will commit to solutions “beyond the political slogans” in campaigning for the Oct. 19 election.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 26, 2024.

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Politics

How Many Votes Are Needed for a Vote of No Confidence in Canada?

Published

2 days ago

September 26, 2024

Harry Miller

In Canadian parliamentary democracy, a vote of no confidence (also known as a confidence motion) is a crucial mechanism that can force a sitting government to resign or call an election. It is typically initiated when the opposition, or even members of the ruling party, believe that the government has lost the support of the majority in the House of Commons.

What Is a Vote of No Confidence?

A vote of no confidence is essentially a test of whether the government, led by the prime minister, still commands the support of the majority of Members of Parliament (MPs) in the House of Commons. If the government loses such a vote, it is either required to resign or request the dissolution of Parliament, leading to a general election.

This process upholds one of the fundamental principles of Canadian democracy: the government must maintain the confidence of the elected House of Commons to govern. This rule ensures accountability and provides a check on the government’s power.

How Many Votes Are Needed for a No Confidence Motion?

In the Canadian House of Commons, there are 338 seats. To pass a vote of no confidence, a simple majority of MPs must vote in favor of the motion. This means that at least 170 MPs must vote in support of the motion to cause the government to lose confidence.

If the government holds a minority of seats, it is more vulnerable to such a vote. In this case, the opposition parties could band together to reach the 170 votes required for the no-confidence motion to succeed. In a majority government, the ruling party has more than half the seats, making it more difficult for a vote of no confidence to pass, unless there is significant dissent within the ruling party itself.

Types of Confidence Votes

Explicit Confidence Motions: These are motions specifically introduced to test whether the government still holds the confidence of the House. For example, the opposition might move a motion stating, “That this House has no confidence in the government.”
Implicit Confidence Motions: Some votes are automatically considered confidence motions, even if they are not explicitly labeled as such. The most common example is the approval of the federal budget. If a government loses a vote on its budget, it is seen as losing the confidence of the House.
Key Legislation: Occasionally, the government may declare certain pieces of legislation as confidence matters. This could be done to ensure the support of the ruling party and its allies, as a loss on such a bill would mean the collapse of the government.

What Happens If the Government Loses a Confidence Vote?

If a government loses a confidence vote in the House of Commons, two outcomes are possible:

Resignation and New Government Formation: The prime minister may resign, and the governor general can invite another leader, typically the leader of the opposition, to try to form a new government that can command the confidence of the House.
Dissolution of Parliament and General Election: The prime minister can request that the governor general dissolve Parliament, triggering a general election. This gives voters the opportunity to elect a new Parliament and government.

Historical Context of Confidence Votes in Canada

Canada has seen several instances of votes of no confidence, particularly during minority government situations. For example, in 2011, the government of Prime Minister Stephen Harper lost a vote of confidence over contempt of Parliament, which led to the dissolution of Parliament and the federal election.

Historically, most no-confidence votes are associated with budgetary issues or key pieces of legislation. They can be rare, especially in majority governments, as the ruling party usually has enough support to avoid defeat in the House of Commons.

To pass a vote of no confidence in Canada, at least 170 MPs out of 338 must vote in favor of the motion. This vote can lead to the government’s resignation or a general election, making it a powerful tool in ensuring that the government remains accountable to the elected representatives of the people. In the context of Canadian democracy, the vote of no confidence is a key safeguard of parliamentary oversight and political responsibility.