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Abortion accessibility in Canada: The Catholic hospital conflict – CTV News

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A leaked draft showing that the U.S Supreme Court justices are preparing to overturn the Roe v. Wade abortion-rights ruling has sparked debate in Canada, including whether Catholic hospitals can impede your access to abortion.

While geography, knowledge and equity play important roles in limiting access, one woman from Estevan, Sask., told CTV News that she experienced barriers at a Catholic hospital.

The woman, who asked to remain anonymous, went to St. Joseph’s Hospital, the only hospital in her city, to get an abortion in 2013. The now mother-of-two said she was referred to another hospital in Regina, which was 200 kilometres away and an approximate two-hour drive. 

“The reason why I was getting an abortion was because the baby wasn’t viable,” she told CTV News in a phone interview. 

“I was going through one of the hardest things in my life. Then, you’re just shipped off to another city, and I just felt that judgment. It’s not that I was denied an abortion exactly, but they sure don’t make it easy.

“I was lucky that I had the means and support to travel to get an abortion. But what about the women in my city who can’t?” she added.

The hospital, which is a member of the Catholic Health Association of Saskatchewan (CHASSK), confirmed to CTV News that they currently do not perform abortions or stock emergency contraceptives on-site. 

They are one of many health-care providers in the country that does not provide some services due to faith-based exemptions. 

Under section two of The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Catholic hospitals are allowed to deny certain services to patients under their right to religious freedom – but, unlike those who choose to attend Catholic schools, patients frequently turn up in a Catholic health-care facility simply because it is the closest one. 

All Catholic hospitals and health-care providers are part of the official universal health-care system. Tax dollars fund them, but they have their own policies that govern treatment plans for services that include abortion, birth control prescriptions, IUD insertions, emergency contraceptives, and dilation and curettage (D&C) procedures.  

There are 129 Catholic health-care facilities across the country, according to the Catholic Health Alliance of Canada (CHAC). In certain regions of Canada, such as Saskatchewan and Nova Scotia, the sole hospitals in towns and cities are affiliated with a Catholic health-care association and adhere to Catholic ideals.

The largest Catholic health-care provider in Canada is in Toronto. Unity Health’s network includes three major hospitals, St. Michael’s, St. Joseph’s and Providence Hospital. According to Unity Health’s spokesperson, abortions are not performed in their hospitals, but emergency contraception and hormonal therapies are stocked on-site. 

Catholic establishments in Alberta presently account for 12 per cent of acute-care beds and 27 per cent of palliative-care beds, according to The Walrus. Catholic institutions also control around 15 per cent of health services in Ontario, according to the CHAC. 

Federal government’s response to improving access 

The Government of Canada announced more than $3.5 million in funding for projects by Action Canada for Sexual Health and Rights (Action Canada) and by the National Abortion Federation Canada on May 11 to improve access to abortion services and offer accurate reproductive health information to Canadians. 

The primary goal of the funding was to improve access for women in rural areas, Marie-France Proulx, the Press Secretary for Health Canada, told CTV News. 

However, Frederique Chabot, the director of domestic health promotion at Action Canada, worries that the funding won’t offer a long-term solution, especially for women who only have access to a single hospital in their vicinity. 

“Every single case can take up to a week of really intense work …, especially with cases that have complex circumstances that we need to support them with,” she said.

“When you start to add up things like plane tickets, hotels, food, taxis … it can cost $1000 plus per case and so, we’re already worried if this incredible influx of resources is going to help real people in real-time.” 

Access to abortions isn’t dependent on Catholic hospitals when they only make up less than 5 per cent of hospitals in the country, Moira McQueen, the Executive Director of the Canadian Catholic Bioethics Institute, says. 

“There are multiple questions that are problematic in health care … when it comes to abortion services, it is problematic that there is only one hospital available (in many cities), and you can’t blame that on the Catholic Church,” she said. 

What does the law say?

According to Kathleen Mahoney, a law professor at The University of Calgary, the law has always been clear that individuals can refuse to do certain procedures based on their religious beliefs. 

“But an institution has never been given that right. It’s likely that if a hospital were challenged on ethical guidelines or requirements for their employees to do or not do certain things … then those considerations would likely be struck down,” she said. 

However, Mahoney says that patients often don’t want the hassle of issuing a legal challenge or complaint and go to private clinics to receive services; and that has become Catholic Hospitals’ greatest strength. 

“They have a legal standing to deny services unless it’s challenged. Unless there’s no law out there that says you can’t do that,” she said.

“If there’s no law that says you can’t jaywalk, then people will jaywalk. So it’s legal unless there’s a law that says you can’t. And that’s what you know; civil liberties are all about.” 

Questions around Catholic health institutions’ right to refuse procedures against their faith have come up before but remained unresolved, including Medical Assistance in Dying (MAID).

MAID became legal in Canada in June 2016 but has caused discontent in the medical community, Gilbert says. Patients have had to be transferred out of Catholic-run long-term care homes, hospices, and hospitals and put into ambulances to receive the assisted death they desire. 

“MAID has led to what is called forced transfers. So, patients get forced out of the hospital to transfer to somewhere else if they want to get MAID because Catholic institutions will not provide it on-site,” said Daphne Gilbert, a law professor at the University of Ottawa specializing in Advanced Sexual Assault law. 

“This has been happening for years for decades with abortion, but it never reached the sort of public imagination as much as it has with MAID because we’ve at least had the option of clinic abortions.” 

“The problem is we don’t have a protective constitutional right to health care. We do have a publicly funded system, and it has to be administered equally,” said Gilbert.

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B.C. commits to earlier, enhanced pensions for wildland firefighters

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VICTORIA – British Columbia Premier David Eby has announced his government has committed to earlier and enhanced pensions for wildland firefighters, saying the province owes them a “deep debt of gratitude” for their efforts in battling recent fire seasons.

Eby says in a statement the province and the BC General Employees’ Union have reached an agreement-in-principle to “enhance” pensions for firefighting personnel employed directly by the BC Wildfire Service.

It says the change will give wildland firefighters provisions like those in other public-safety careers such as ambulance paramedics and corrections workers.

The statement says wildfire personnel could receive their earliest pensions up to five years before regular members of the public service pension plan.

The province and the union are aiming to finalize the agreement early next year with changes taking effect in 2026, and while eligibility requirements are yet to be confirmed, the statement says the “majority” of workers at the BC Wildfire Service would qualify.

Union president Paul Finch says wildfire fighters “take immense risks and deserve fair compensation,” and the pension announcement marks a “major victory.”

“This change will help retain a stable, experienced workforce, ready to protect our communities when we need them most,” Finch says in the statement.

About 1,300 firefighters were employed directly by the wildfire service this year. B.C. has increased the service’s permanent full-time staff by 55 per cent since 2022.

About 350 firefighting personnel continue to battle more than 200 active blazes across the province, with 60 per cent of them now classified as under control.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 16, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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AtkinsRéalis signs deal to help modernize U.K. rail signalling system

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MONTREAL – AtkinsRéalis Group Inc. says it has signed a deal with U.K. rail infrastructure owner Network Rail to help upgrade and digitize its signalling over the next 10 years.

Network Rail has launched a four-billlion pound program to upgrade signalling across its network over the coming decade.

The company says the modernization will bring greater reliability across the country through a mixture of traditional signalling and digital control.

AtkinsRéalis says it has secured two of the eight contracts awarded.

The Canadian company formerly known as SNC-Lavalin will work independently on conventional signalling contract.

AtkinsRéalis will also partner with Construcciones y Auxiliar de Ferrocarriles, S.A.(CAF) in a new joint venture on a digital signalling contract.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 16, 2024.

Companies in this story: (TSX:ATRL)

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.



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Fed intervention in labour disputes could set dangerous precedent: labour experts

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In an era of increased strike activity and union power, labour experts say it’s not surprising to see more calls for government intervention in certain sectors like transportation.

What’s new, experts say, is the fact that the government isn’t jumping to enact back-to-work legislation.

Instead, the federal labour minister has recently directed the Canada Industrial Labour Board to intervene in major disputes — though the government was spared the choice of stepping in over a potential strike at Air Canada after a tentative deal was reached on Sunday.

Brock University labour professor Larry Savage says that for decades, companies in federally regulated sectors such as airlines, railways and ports essentially relied on government intervention through back-to-work legislation to end or avoid work stoppages.

“While this helped to avert protracted strikes, it also undermined free and fair collective bargaining. It eroded trust between management and the union over the long term, and it created deep-seated resentment in the workplace,” he argued.

Barry Eidlin calls such intervention a “Canadian tradition.”

“Canadian governments, both federal and provincial, have been amongst the most trigger-happy governments … when it comes to back-to-work legislation,” said Eidlin, an associate professor of sociology at McGill University.

Savage said the use of back-to-work legislation peaked in the 1980s, but its decline since then had less to do with government policy than the fact strikes became less common as unions’ bargaining power softened.

But since the Supreme Court upheld the right to strike in 2015, Savage says the government appears more reluctant to use back-to-work legislation.

Eidlin agrees.

“The bar for infringing on the right to strike by adopting back-to-work legislation got a lot higher,” he said.

However, the experts say the federal government appears to have found a workaround.

In August, Canadian National Railway Co. and Canadian Pacific Kansas City Ltd. locked out more than 9,000 workers — but federal labour minister Steve MacKinnon soon stepped in, asking the Canada Industrial Relations Board to order them to return and order binding arbitration, which it did.

The move by the government — using Section 107 of the Canada Labour Code — is “highly controversial,” said Savage.

Section 107 of the code says the minister “may do such things as to the minister seem likely to maintain or secure industrial peace and to promote conditions favourable to the settlement of industrial disputes or differences and to those ends the minister may refer any question to the board or direct the board to do such things as the minister deems necessary.”

“The reason why it’s a concerning workaround is because there’s no Parliamentary debate. There’s no vote in the House of Commons,” Savage said.

Not long after the rail work stoppage, the government was called upon to intervene in the looming strike by Air Canada pilots. The airline said that a government directive for binding arbitration would be needed if it couldn’t reach a deal ahead of the strike.

However, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said the government would only intervene if it became clear a negotiated agreement wasn’t possible.

“I know every time there’s a strike, people say, ‘Oh, you’ll get the government to come in and fix it.’ We’re not going to do that,” said Trudeau on Friday.

The airline and the union representing its pilots reached a tentative deal on Sunday.

Though Air Canada was asking for the same treatment as the rail companies, Eidlin said the Liberals appeared to recognize that would have been an unpopular move politically.

Since the rail dispute, the NDP ripped up its agreement to support the minority Liberals, and Eidlin thinks the government’s intervention was one of the reasons for the decision.

“That really left them with this minority government that’s much more fragile. And so I think they have a much more delicate balancing act politically,” he said.

Section 107 was never intended as a way for governments to bypass Parliament and end strikes “simply by sending an email” to the labour board, said David J. Doorey, an associate professor of labour and employment law at York University, in an email.

For the Liberals today, Doorey said using Section 107 to end the rail work stoppage was much simpler than back-to-work legislation — in part because Parliament was not in session, but also because the Liberals hold a minority government and support for back-to-work legislation from the Conservatives and the NDP would be far from guaranteed.

Eidlin is concerned that the government’s use of binding arbitration to end the rail work stoppage could set a precedent similar to what decades of back-to-work legislation did: removing the employer’s incentive to reach a deal in bargaining.

“This has a corrosive effect on collective bargaining,” he said.

The Teamsters union representing railworkers is challenging the government’s move.

The breadth of the government’s power under Section 107 is “something that the courts are going to have to decide,” Eidlin said.

If the courts rule in the government’s favour, the status quo could essentially return to the way it was before 2015, he said.

But Doorey believes the labour minister’s directive to the board to end the rail stoppage will be found to have violated the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

The rail stoppage wasn’t the first time the federal government used these powers during a recent labour dispute.

When workers at B.C. ports went on strike last summer, then-federal labour minister Seamus O’Regan used the section to direct the board to determine whether a negotiated resolution was possible, and if not, to either impose a new agreement or impose final binding arbitration.

The last few years have really been a litmus test for that 2015 change, Eidlin said, as workers are increasingly unwilling to settle for sub-par collective agreements and employers “still have that back-to-work reflex.”

With an uptick in strike activity, “of course, there will be more interest in government intervention in labour disputes as a result,” said Savage.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 16, 2024.

Companies in this story: (TSX:AC, TSX:CNR, TSX:CP)

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