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Jeremy Roberts: We need to hear about the small victories in politics – The Hub

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For several decades now the budget process, both at the federal and provincial levels, has evolved to become as much a narrative exercise as it is a financial one. Governments seek to outline a broad story arc for their planned actions, tying together what can appear to be disparate initiatives under core thematic buckets.

Election budgets are even more focused on narrative than usual.

The Ontario Progressive Conservative Budget, tabled right before the provincial election, and again this past week, was no exception. It focused on five core pillars, which formed the basis of the PC election pitch. Given the sizeable victory on June 2nd, voters seem to have connected with these themes.

I have worked on five federal budgets and four provincial ones. For full disclosure, I served as vice-chair of Ontario’s finance committee during this most recent budget. Throughout all of these, I have seen and been part of crafting these budget “stories.”

Most of the media coverage about this budget will focus on that narrative. Is the government living up to the promise it contains? How important was it in helping the PCs secure victory? Does it adequately address the challenges of today?

This isn’t a piece like that.

This is a story about the small initiatives often buried within budgets than can have big impact. These are often the success stories of MPs or staff, who work tirelessly throughout the year to bring a small idea from conception to implementation.

On page 128 of this most recent Ontario budget, one such item can be found.

It reads:

An example of a children’s health investment is $97 million over three years to improve the experiences and lifelong outcomes for more than 1,100 children and youth with complex special needs at the Children’s Hospital of Eastern Ontario (CHEO), Holland Bloorview Kids Rehabilitation Hospital and McMaster Children’s Hospital. Funding will support a pilot project for an integrated model to provide key health and social services, including hospital-based assessments, access to interdisciplinary clinical teams, medical care and behaviour therapy.

It was a small paragraph in an otherwise dense book: $97 million in a $190 billion plan. And it didn’t quite fit into the broader narrative pieces of highways, hospitals, and economic growth.

But for the people involved in getting those two sentences included, it was a win worthy of a big celebration.

I was fortunate to be one of those people.

I have written elsewhere of my experience growing up with a younger brother with special needs. It was the driving force for my motivation to enter politics and continues to hold an important place in my heart.

For many parents across the province whose children are diagnosed with special needs they are shocked to learn that clinical therapies for their children are often not fully funded. Unlike other medical issues, special needs treatments are often funded through a web of social services and health-care envelopes that can be challenging to navigate and access. Moreover, services often lack cohesion for the patient and family.

Far too often, these challenges lead to crises, with desperate families showing up in hospital emergency rooms. The COVID-19 pandemic worsened the stress on these families. A Queens University study has detailed and quantified these growing challenges.

My own family lived through this experience.

When my brother entered his teen years, he struggled with severe behavioural issues and epilepsy. My parents and I spent weeks on end trying to help him cope with either terrible tantrums or seizures. Both problems necessitated regular trips to CHEO for meetings with psychiatrists and neurologists.

I was just 14 at the time, and while I didn’t have the wisdom of age, I think I brought a certain childhood clarity to these appointments.

I remember one meeting vividly. We were sitting at the hospital with the psychiatrist who was recommending a change to my brother’s medications. It was easily the tenth such meeting we’d had over the course of several weeks.

“Before we finalize this change,” the doctor said, “you’ll have to meet with the neurologist to make sure this won’t impact his seizure activity. If it will, you can schedule another meeting with me to discuss.”

I stared at the doctor and then at my parents.

“But the neurologist is just three floors above us. Why in the world can’t we just get everyone in here for a meeting at once?” I asked.

It seemed like the obvious question. Most importantly, it was what was in my brother’s best interest.

But of course, it just “wasn’t how things worked”.

Our story is no different from the thousands of others unfolding across Ontario. While we are fortunate here to have a number of highly qualified and effective clinicians covering a range of fields, we lack a coordinated approach that will put the patient first.

And so, just over a year ago, a group of us including stakeholders, staff, and government officials asked ourselves a question: how can we do better?

The problem was as complex as the children who needed the support. But in developing a solution, the stakeholders started from a simple premise: kids with these challenges should get wrap-around and seamless clinical support. In other words, a child with down-syndrome and bipolar disorder, or autism and epilepsy, should be able to benefit from a team of clinicians and allied health professionals working in concert to tackle their challenges. Perhaps it might be a psychiatrist, a behavioral therapist, and an occupational therapist. Or, as was the case for my brother, perhaps a psychiatrist and neurologist.

Thankfully, the three stakeholders involved had the clinical human resources and experience necessary to fill that gap. But how could we harness it? How could we identify the kids that needed it? And, most critically, how would we fund it?

“The vast majority of stories these days about politics and government focus on negatives. The latest scandal. The longest delays. The largest funding mishaps.”

CHEO in Ottawa, Holland Bloorview Children’s Rehabilitation Hospital in Toronto, and McMaster Children’s Hospital in Hamilton set about answering the first two questions. We on the government side set about answering the third.

Any initiative that would require new money, like this one, typically has to make its way through the budget cycle—a process that starts with determining what ministry would house the initiative and ultimately fund it.

From the start, there was a strong consensus that funding should be drawn from both the Ministry of Children, Community and Social Services (MCCSS) and the Ministry of Health. While children with special needs receive much of their government support through MCCSS, it was clear that these children were struggling with health challenges as well. A jointly funded pilot would be a fantastic way to continue breaking down ministerial siloes—a common challenge faced by all governments.

Moreover, this program would break ground in another important way. Many programs for children with special needs are “diagnosis specific” (i.e. you need a specific diagnosis to access supports). This program would be different by putting the child and not the diagnosis at the centre. Preliminary criteria for eligibility would focus on children with “multiple, medical, neurodevelopmental and mental health comorbidities relating to psychiatric or developmental disorders.”

Through the use of their own entry points (e.g. emergency room visits, existing clinical services, community partnerships, etc), the stakeholders felt confident that they could develop “catch points,” where the children could be identified early and pulled into support. A comprehensive needs assessment would then determine a child’s eligibility. And, with the additional resources proposed, they would be able to better ensure coordination and collaboration between clinical partners in providing wrap-around services. It would draw on a model of care that has shown promise in an array of child development settings.

By pitching this as a pilot program, we were able to propose the concept as a test case that could be measured and evaluated to determine impact. With strained fiscal capacity, governments across the globe are increasingly turning to evaluative methods, including borrowing the corporate world’s Key Performance Indicators (KPIs), to determine the efficacy of dollars spent. The stakeholder partners would be responsible for working with government to determine evaluative parameters.

With a solid plan developed and a case to be made, our team set about working to have this pilot funded in the budget. It’s a competitive process, given the plethora of good ideas and worthy causes up for consideration. But we made our case, citing the above points, and, during the budget’s first tabling before the election, we were elated to see our hard work pay off.

Trapped within those two sentences in the budget were an array of exciting developments: the breaking down of government siloes through joint funding; a move towards a gold standard wrap-around model of care; a desire to treat the patient not the diagnosis; and an initiative that bet its success on proving its competency through evaluative metrics.

Not too shabby.

After the announcement, CHEO CEO Alex Munter said, “the children and families that will benefit most from this investment live with unimaginable struggles, often having to fight for access to care and to avoid falling through the cracks. Sometimes they end up making frequent visits to the emergency department or even being admitted to hospital because of lack of services. Every child and youth deserves to lead their best life with healthier outcomes and simpler journeys.”

“This story is a reminder of the good that is taking place every day in governments across the country.”

He could have easily been describing my family’s journey with my brother.

Not much will be written about this initiative in the papers or talked about in the media. And undoubtedly there may be some who read this piece and think I’m just “patting myself on the back”.

But this is a story that needs telling.

Beyond being exciting for the many families it will benefit, there is a broad point worth making.

The vast majority of stories these days about politics and government focus on negatives. The latest scandal. The longest delays. The largest funding mishaps.

And all of these are important. We need these stories to hold our governments accountable about the use of our scarce taxpayer dollars and the efficacy of our institutions.

But we also need to hear the good. Without the positives, it becomes easier and easier to view our political system as unresponsive, incompetent, or alien to us.

This story is a reminder of the good that is taking place every day in governments across the country. A tale of the government ecosystem at work: stakeholders, staff, civil servants, and politicians coming together to tackle a problem and try a solution. It may or may not succeed, time will tell. I’m betting on the former. Regardless, it will serve to bring hope to families that need it. These challenges aren’t simple, and we need to be willing to try solutions.

And so, when a new budget comes out, take some time to move past the narrative and reflect on the passion, drive, and commitment that goes into those documents and initiatives. And, most importantly, take some time to celebrate the small victories included within. You’ll find countless examples of them.

They are the stories of our democracy in action. And that’s worth celebrating.

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Gould calls Poilievre a ‘fraudster’ over his carbon price warning

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OTTAWA – Liberal House leader Karina Gould lambasted Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre as a “fraudster” this morning after he said the federal carbon price is going to cause a “nuclear winter.”

Gould was speaking just before the House of Commons is set to reopen following the summer break.

“What I heard yesterday from Mr. Poilievre was so over the top, so irresponsible, so immature, and something that only a fraudster would do,” she said from Parliament Hill.

On Sunday Poilievre said increasing the carbon price will cause a “nuclear winter,” painting a dystopian picture of people starving and freezing because they can’t afford food or heat due the carbon price.

He said the Liberals’ obsession with carbon pricing is “an existential threat to our economy and our way of life.”

The carbon price currently adds about 17.6 cents to every litre of gasoline, but that cost is offset by carbon rebates mailed to Canadians every three months. The Parliamentary Budget Office provided analysis that showed eight in 10 households receive more from the rebates than they pay in carbon pricing, though the office also warned that long-term economic effects could harm jobs and wage growth.

Gould accused Poilievre of ignoring the rebates, and refusing to tell Canadians how he would make life more affordable while battling climate change. The Liberals have also accused the Conservatives of dismissing the expertise of more than 200 economists who wrote a letter earlier this year describing the carbon price as the least expensive, most efficient way to lower emissions.

Poilievre is pushing for the other opposition parties to vote the government down and trigger what he calls a “carbon tax election.”

The recent decision by the NDP to break its political pact with the government makes an early election more likely, but there does not seem to be an interest from either the Bloc Québécois or the NDP to have it happen immediately.

Poilievre intends to bring a non-confidence motion against the government as early as this week but would likely need both the Bloc and NDP to support it.

Gould said she has no “crystal ball” over when or how often Poilievre might try to bring down the government

“I know that the end of the supply and confidence agreement makes things a bit different, but really all it does is returns us to a normal minority parliament,” she said. “And that means that we will work case-by-case, legislation-by-legislation with whichever party wants to work with us. I have already been in touch with all of the House leaders in the opposition parties and my job now is to make Parliament work for Canadians.”

She also insisted the government has listened to the concerns raised by Canadians, and received the message when the Liberals lost a Toronto byelection in June in seat the party had held since 1997.

“We certainly got the message from Toronto-St. Paul’s and have spent the summer reflecting on what that means and are coming back to Parliament, I think, very clearly focused on ensuring that Canadians are at the centre of everything that we do moving forward,” she said.

The Liberals are bracing, however, for the possibility of another blow Monday night, in a tight race to hold a Montreal seat in a byelection there. Voters in LaSalle—Émard—Verdun are casting ballots today to replace former justice minister David Lametti, who was removed from cabinet in 2023 and resigned as an MP in January.

The Conservatives and NDP are also in a tight race in Elmwood-Transcona, a Winnipeg seat that has mostly been held by the NDP over the last several decades.

There are several key bills making their way through the legislative process, including the online harms act and the NDP-endorsed pharmacare bill, which is currently in the Senate.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 16, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Voters head to the polls for byelections in Montreal and Winnipeg

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OTTAWA – Canadians in two federal ridings are choosing their next member of Parliament today, and political parties are closely watching the results.

Winnipeg’s Elmwood —Transcona seat has been vacant since the NDP’s Daniel Blaikie left federal politics.

The New Democrats are hoping to hold onto the riding and polls suggest the Conservatives are in the running.

The Montreal seat of LaSalle—Émard—Verdun opened up when former justice minister David Lametti left politics.

Polls suggest the race is tight between the Liberal candidate and the Bloc Québécois, but the NDP is also hopeful it can win.

The Conservatives took over a Liberal stronghold seat in another byelection in Toronto earlier this summer, a loss that sent shock waves through the governing party and intensified calls for Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to step down as leader.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 16, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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NDP caving to Poilievre on carbon price, has no idea how to fight climate change: PM

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OTTAWA – Prime Minister Justin Trudeau says the NDP is caving to political pressure from Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre when it comes to their stance on the consumer carbon price.

Trudeau says he believes Jagmeet Singh and the NDP care about the environment, but it’s “increasingly obvious” that they have “no idea” what to do about climate change.

On Thursday, Singh said the NDP is working on a plan that wouldn’t put the burden of fighting climate change on the backs of workers, but wouldn’t say if that plan would include a consumer carbon price.

Singh’s noncommittal position comes as the NDP tries to frame itself as a credible alternative to the Conservatives in the next federal election.

Poilievre responded to that by releasing a video, pointing out that the NDP has voted time and again in favour of the Liberals’ carbon price.

British Columbia Premier David Eby also changed his tune on Thursday, promising that a re-elected NDP government would scrap the long-standing carbon tax and shift the burden to “big polluters,” if the federal government dropped its requirements.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 13, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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