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Critics may scoff at Pierre Poilievre, but any politician opposing him should be concerned

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Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre rises to question the government during Question Period on Nov.17, in Ottawa.Adrian Wyld/The Canadian Press

Pierre Poilievre is conducting politics in a way never seen before in this country, using remarkably effective videos to talk to people on their smartphones about the things that worry them.

He has figured out and matched the public mood at a time when that mood is dark. Critics may scoff, but any politician opposing him should be very concerned.

The Conservative Leader’s latest message takes on homelessness, deteriorating cities and the opioid crisis.

“Do you ever feel like everything is broken in Canada?” he asks the viewer, speaking before a collection of tents in downtown Vancouver.

“In that tent city are people hopelessly addicted to drugs,” he says. These homeless addicts, he adds, “are the result of a failed experiment … a deliberate policy by woke Liberal and NDP governments to provide taxpayer-funded drugs, to flood our streets with easy access to these poisons.”

A Conservative government would cut funding for the safe supply of drugs, he promises, and would focus instead on tighter border controls, tougher sentences for drug dealers, and expanded recovery and treatment programs.

“This has failed,” he says, pointing to the tents. “But there is hope that we can turn these cities around, and save the lives of our fellow citizens.”

Carolyn Bennett, the federal Minister for Mental Health and Addictions, swiftly condemned the Conservative video. “The evidence is clear on this,” she tweeted. “Safe supply saves lives. We cannot afford to return to damaging, unscientific ideology at the expense of people’s lives.”

The minister is right. Safe supply does save the lives of those at risk from overdoses or contaminated drugs. And tough-on-crime policies have never deterred drug use.

Former Harper adviser denounces Poilievre drug policy unveiled in video

But policies to combat addiction don’t necessarily address the concerns of urban and suburban dwellers who wonder why crime is rising, and why there are tents in parks and homeless people on the streets.

“Everything is broken,” is a line Mr. Poilievre has used a lot recently, including in a speech to the House of Commons that he posted Monday on Youtube, where he cited rising inflation, increased mortgage costs, increasingly unaffordable food, rising debt.

He spoke of failing hospitals, millions of Canadians without family doctors, unavailable children’s medicine, immigration backlogs, deteriorating infrastructure, endless rules and regulations that make it feel like nothing is getting done.

It is fair to state that the Liberal government in Ottawa weathered the trauma of the pandemic reasonably well, and that all governments are struggling to cope with its aftermath.

But that’s not where people’s heads are at. Some are terrified of what’s going to happen when their mortgages come up for renewal. Some can’t afford lettuce. If they own small businesses they can’t find anyone who will work at what they can afford to pay. Emergency rooms are failing everywhere.

Mr. Poilievre is exploiting a growing sense of impatience at perceived social and economic dysfunction. And he’s doing it in a uniquely successful way: the short video, shot on the street, or in the airport, or at the diner, with the verbal glitches left in to increase the sense of honest communication.

There are few politicians who communicate as effectively as Pierre Poilievre today. Justin Trudeau in 2015 comes to mind. Then, the public was impatient after 10 years of dour Conservative government from Stephen Harper. They embraced the Liberal message of hope for a better, more equal, more inclusive, more environmentally responsible Canada.

Today, people are just trying to dodge everything that’s coming at them. Mr. Poilievre gets that.

He also gets that, in these times, the best way to communicate policy is not through a speech to the Empire Club, but on the street through YouTube.

Some of his policies are flawed. Shutting down safe supply sites will increase deaths from overdoses. Mr. Poilievre’s approach to the drug crisis will harm, not help, the most vulnerable.

But the most vulnerable don’t vote. Middle-class people living in suburbs – who may have a child who needs cold medicine or a mother who needs a new hip – do vote. And if they feel that nothing is working and government is to blame, then that is not good news for those governing.

Don’t be surprised if you hear Pierre Poilievre saying “everything is broken” a lot.

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Trump is consistently inconsistent on abortion and reproductive rights

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CHICAGO (AP) — Donald Trump has had a tough time finding a consistent message to questions about abortion and reproductive rights.

The former president has constantly shifted his stances or offered vague, contradictory and at times nonsensical answers to questions on an issue that has become a major vulnerability for Republicans in this year’s election. Trump has been trying to win over voters, especially women, skeptical about his views, especially after he nominated three Supreme Court justices who helped overturn the nationwide right to abortion two years ago.

The latest example came this week when the Republican presidential nominee said some abortion laws are “too tough” and would be “redone.”

“It’s going to be redone,” he said during a Fox News town hall that aired Wednesday. “They’re going to, you’re going to, you end up with a vote of the people. They’re too tough, too tough. And those are going to be redone because already there’s a movement in those states.”

Trump did not specify if he meant he would take some kind of action if he wins in November, and he did not say which states or laws he was talking about. He did not elaborate on what he meant by “redone.”

He also seemed to be contradicting his own stand when referencing the strict abortion bans passed in Republican-controlled states since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade. Trump recently said he would vote against a constitutional amendment on the Florida ballot that is aimed at overturning the state’s six-week abortion ban. That decision came after he had criticized the law as too harsh.

Trump has shifted between boasting about nominating the justices who helped strike down federal protections for abortion and trying to appear more neutral. It’s been an attempt to thread the divide between his base of anti-abortion supporters and the majority of Americans who support abortion rights.

About 6 in 10 Americans think their state should generally allow a person to obtain a legal abortion if they don’t want to be pregnant for any reason, according to a July poll from The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research. Voters in seven states, including some conservative ones, have either protected abortion rights or defeated attempts to restrict them in statewide votes over the past two years.

Trump also has been repeating the narrative that he returned the question of abortion rights to states, even though voters do not have a direct say on that or any other issue in about half the states. This is particularly true for those living in the South, where Republican-controlled legislatures, many of which have been gerrymandered to give the GOP disproportionate power, have enacted some of the strictest abortion bans since Roe v. Wade was overturned.

Currently, 13 states have banned abortion at all stages of pregnancy, while four more ban it after six weeks — before many women know they’re pregnant.

Meanwhile, anti-abortion groups and their Republican allies in state governments are using an array of strategies to counter proposed ballot initiatives in at least eight states this year.

Here’s a breakdown of Trump’s fluctuating stances on reproductive rights.

Flip-flopping on Florida

On Tuesday, Trump claimed some abortion laws are “too tough” and would be “redone.”

But in August, Trump said he would vote against a state ballot measure that is attempting to repeal the six-week abortion ban passed by the Republican-controlled Legislature and signed by Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis.

That came a day after he seemed to indicate he would vote in favor of the measure. Trump previously called Florida’s six-week ban a “terrible mistake” and too extreme. In an April Time magazine interview, Trump repeated that he “thought six weeks is too severe.”

Trump on vetoing a national ban

Trump’s latest flip-flopping has involved his views on a national abortion ban.

During the Oct. 1 vice presidential debate, Trump posted on his social media platform Truth Social that he would veto a national abortion ban: “Everyone knows I would not support a federal abortion ban, under any circumstances, and would, in fact, veto it.”

This came just weeks after Trump repeatedly declined to say during the presidential debate with Democrat Kamala Harris whether he would veto a national abortion ban if he were elected.

Trump’s running mate, Ohio Sen. JD Vance, said in an interview with NBC News before the presidential debate that Trump would veto a ban. In response to debate moderators prompting him about Vance’s statement, Trump said: “I didn’t discuss it with JD, in all fairness. And I don’t mind if he has a certain view, but I don’t think he was speaking for me.”

‘Pro-choice’ to 15-week ban

Trump’s shifting abortion policy stances began when the former reality TV star and developer started flirting with running for office.

He once called himself “very pro-choice.” But before becoming president, Trump said he “would indeed support a ban,” according to his book “The America We Deserve,” which was published in 2000.

In his first year as president, he said he was “pro-life with exceptions” but also said “there has to be some form of punishment” for women seeking abortions — a position he quickly reversed.

At the 2018 annual March for Life, Trump voiced support for a federal ban on abortion on or after 20 weeks of pregnancy.

More recently, Trump suggested in March that he might support a national ban on abortions around 15 weeks before announcing that he instead would leave the matter to the states.

Views on abortion pills, prosecuting women

In the Time interview, Trump said it should be left up to the states to decide whether to prosecute women for abortions or to monitor women’s pregnancies.

“The states are going to make that decision,” Trump said. “The states are going to have to be comfortable or uncomfortable, not me.”

Democrats have seized on the comments he made in 2016, saying “there has to be some form of punishment” for women who have abortions.

Trump also declined to comment on access to the abortion pill mifepristone, claiming that he has “pretty strong views” on the matter. He said he would make a statement on the issue, but it never came.

Trump responded similarly when asked about his views on the Comstock Act, a 19th century law that has been revived by anti-abortion groups seeking to block the mailing of mifepristone.

IVF and contraception

In May, Trump said during an interview with a Pittsburgh television station that he was open to supporting regulations on contraception and that his campaign would release a policy on the issue “very shortly.” He later said his comments were misinterpreted.

In the KDKA interview, Trump was asked, “Do you support any restrictions on a person’s right to contraception?”

“We’re looking at that and I’m going to have a policy on that very shortly,” Trump responded.

Trump has not since released a policy statement on contraception.

Trump also has offered contradictory statements on in vitro fertilization.

During the Fox News town hall, which was taped Tuesday, Trump declared that he is “the father of IVF,” despite acknowledging during his answer that he needed an explanation of IVF in February after the Alabama Supreme Court ruled that frozen embryos can be considered children under state law.

Trump said he instructed Sen. Katie Britt, R-Ala., to “explain IVF very quickly” to him in the aftermath of the ruling.

As concerns over access to fertility treatments rose, Trump pledged to promote IVF by requiring health insurance companies or the federal government to pay for it. Such a move would be at odds with the actions of much of his own party.

Even as the Republican Party has tried to create a national narrative that it is receptive to IVF, these messaging efforts have been undercut by GOP state lawmakers, Republican-dominated courts and anti-abortion leaders within the party’s ranks, as well as opposition to legislative attempts to protect IVF access.

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The Associated Press receives support from several private foundations to enhance its explanatory coverage of elections and democracy. See more about AP’s democracy initiative here. The AP is solely responsible for all content.

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Saskatchewan Party’s Scott Moe, NDP’s Carla Beck react to debate |

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Saskatchewan‘s two main political party leaders faced off in the only televised debate in the lead up to the provincial election on Oct. 28. Saskatchewan Party Leader Scott Moe and NDP Leader Carla Beck say voters got a chance to see their platforms. (Oct. 17, 2024)

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Saskatchewan political leaders back on campaign trail after election debate

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REGINA – Saskatchewan‘s main political leaders are back on the campaign trail today after hammering each other in a televised debate.

Saskatchewan Party Leader Scott Moe is set to make an announcement in Moose Jaw.

Saskatchewan NDP Leader Carla Beck is to make stops in Regina, Saskatoon and Prince Albert.

During Wednesday night’s debate, Beck emphasized her plan to make life more affordable and said people deserve better than an out-of-touch Saskatchewan Party government.

Moe said his party wants to lower taxes and put money back into people’s pockets.

Election day is Oct. 28.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Oct. 17, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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