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Systemic Racism in Canada

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Systemic Racism in Canada

Systemic racism (also known as institutional racism) is a concept whereby the social structures produce inequalities based on racial discriminationRacialized people thus face challenges due to racism from both individuals and institutions (health, education, penal system, etc.). Systemic racism is a concept different from that of individual racism.

Definition

Systemic racism should not be confused with systematic racism. Systemic refers to the concept of system. Discrimination within a system is not experienced systematically and is not always deliberate.

Systemic racism is often seen as the tendency within a group to systematically exclude or marginalize racialized people. It puts unfair obstacles in the way of non-white individuals who are trying to access such important resources as employment, accommodation or health care.

This phenomenon is often based on culture, as well as on the racist practices which exist in institutions or society as a whole. In Canada, historical examples include the segregation of Black people and the Indian Act. According to the Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse (CDPDJ), systemic racism is the result of decisions and actions based on race-related inequalities and discrimination. For others, this tendency results from the fact that the standards of the white majority are entrenched in the ways in which an institution functions. This results in a system which treats Indigenous and racialized people unfairly.

Anti-Indigenous Racism

Before 1497, before the arrival of Europeans, the northern part of Turtle Island,Footnote14 known today as Canada, was home to First Nations Peoples. The colonization of Canada began with the arrival of the first Europeans from Britain and France in the early 1600s. When Canada received its independence from Britain in 1867, it inherited treaty obligations: agreements established between First Nations Peoples as sovereign nations, and the British Crown.Footnote15 Canada soon began to assert control over Indigenous Peoples and lands with the Indian Act of 1867, which limited self-governance of First Nations Peoples and expanded authority over Indigenous lands and services.Footnote16

The application of the Indian Act continues to facilitate the reduction and elimination of Indigenous identities. This purpose, inherent in the Indian Act, was explicitly described by Duncan Campbell Scott, Canada’s Deputy Superintendent General of Indian Affairs, in 1920 when he remarked on the government’s policy by stating: “our objective is to continue until there is not an Indian that has not been absorbed into the body politic and there is no Indian question and no Indian Department.”Footnote17

The efforts to assimilate and erase Indigenous cultures continued in the 1870s through the establishment of Residential Schools. These were religious-based schools designed to strip traditional customs, spirituality and language from Indigenous children for the sake of integrating them into Euro-Canadian culture. This form of cultural genocide lasted until 1996, when the last Residential School was closed.

Due to the institutionalization of racism in Canada, harmful conditions persist that disproportionately impact Indigenous populations. For example, institutional racism has disadvantaged Indigenous populations across education, health care, judicial and prison systems. There are glaring disparities in post-secondary attainment for Indigenous People as compared to the rest of Canadians: 8% compared to 20%, respectively.Footnote18 Challenges to Indigenous education attainment relate to attempts to integrate Indigenous learners within “predominately Euro-Western defined and ascribed structures, academic disciplines, policies, and practices.”Footnote19 The effects of these structures within the education system are compounded by and intersect with a sense of mistrust towards Canadian education on the part of Indigenous Peoples due to “generations of grandparents and parents who were scarred by their experience”Footnote20 in Residential Schools, as well as insufficient funding for on-reserve schools and inadequate access to essential services.Footnote21

Substandard and lower health care outcomes, particularly for Indigenous Peoples,Footnote22 have been linked to racism in health care institutions. Institutional racism contributes to higher infant mortality ratesFootnote23 and lower life expectancy rates among Indigenous communities.Footnote24 As Brenda Gunn’s research suggests, “a high proportion of the Indigenous population experience individual and systemic racism when seeking health services.”Footnote25

This institutionalized racism happens both structurally and culturally. Structural racism permeates policies and practices creating profound health disparities for members of Indigenous communities.Footnote26 In addition, cultural forms of racism relate to power inequities between care providers and Indigenous patients, and biases and stereotypes about Indigeneity held by practitioners.Footnote27 These structural and cultural forms of racism limit Indigenous Peoples’ ability to access adequate medical care.

Similarly, “more than 30% of inmates in Canadian prisons are Indigenous – even though [Indigenous Peoples] make up just 5% of the country’s population.”Footnote28 These numbers can be even more pronounced when gender and region are also considered. For example, 98 percent of women in custody in Saskatchewan are Indigenous.Footnote29 According to Senator Kim Pate, “racial and gender inequality” are the underlying factors for what is happening in the Canadian justice system. She explains that “Indigenous men have fewer opportunities, but Indigenous women have even fewer.”Footnote30 Pate argues that “part of the reason we’ve had to focus on the women and girls who have gone missing, been disappeared, [and] been murdered, is the very same issues that contribute to them being homeless, being on the street, and also being in prison and it’s fundamentally about inequality.”Footnote31 As the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls explained:

Colonial violence, as well as racism, sexism, homophobia, and transphobia against Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA people, has become embedded in everyday life – whether this is through interpersonal forms of violence, through institutions like the health care system and the justice system, or in the laws, policies and structures of Canadian society. The result has been that many Indigenous people have grown up normalized to violence, while Canadian society shows an appalling apathy to addressing the issue.Footnote32

Anti-Black Racism

Anti-Black racism began in Canada during the transatlantic slave trade era. The enslavement of African peoples was considered a legal instrument and was used to fuel the economic stability and growth of the colonies. In the 1760s, some laws outlined the treatment and disposition of Black people in bondage. According to the Ontario Black History Society, the 47th Article of Capitulation of Montreal ensured that African and “Panis” (Indian) slaves remained the legal property of their owners.Footnote33 The legal recognition of Black and Panis slaves as property was recognized by the Peace Treaty of 1763 and the Quebec Act of 1774.Footnote34

The buying and selling of enslaved Black people lasted for two centuries. During the American Civil War in the 1860s, Canada was regarded as a haven for escaped slaves on the Underground Railroad. However, the stereotypes connected with slavery and the fewer rights written into law for Black people versus their white counterparts supported a view of Black people as inferior and perpetuated their hostile and discriminatory treatment. Discriminatory attitudes towards and treatment of Black Canadians continue to this day.

For example, Black people are “dramatically overrepresented in Canada’s prison system, making up 8.6 percent of the federal prison population, despite the fact they make up only 3 percent of the population.”Footnote35 And in a 2020 report commissioned by Ontario’s Ministry of Education, evidence of institutionalized anti-Black racism was reported in the Peel District School Board.Footnote36 The report identified the suspension of Black students at higher rates than students of other ethnic backgrounds as well as a tendency to involve police in incidents involving Black students where no evidence of criminal activity was present.

Perpetuated negative stereotypes about Black people have led to the internalized racism that impacts contemporary society.Footnote37 An example of internalized inequality is outlined in a 2015 survey showing that while “nearly 94 percent of Black young people aged 15 to 25 said they would like to complete a university degree, only 59.9 percent thought it was possible.”Footnote38 In contrast, “82 percent of other groups surveyed said they wanted to achieve a university education, and 78.8 percent believed they could.”Footnote39 This is evidence of the significant gap between hope and expectation among Black youth.

Andrea Davis, associate professor at York University’s Department of Humanities, explains that Black young people “work tremendously hard and their aspirations [for education] are great. But very few people have told them they can be successful.”Footnote40 She argues that the most profound finding from her research on the impact of violence among youth in Toronto is that Black youth perceive everyday lived experiences of cultural racism as the worst form of racism. They have experienced it from “teachers who did not believe in them, who stereotyped them, who over-disciplined and over-punished them, who constructed possibilities for them that were different from the possibilities for other children.”Footnote41

Davis cautions that racism is “a kind of cycle that doesn’t break. And it can be invisible, so many Canadians don’t see it because they don’t know how to narrate it, or it’s not narrated for them.”Footnote42 Importantly she notes that “the reality is that racism is expressed not just as conscious acts of hate or violence, it’s far more complex than that. It evolves out of a set of deeply rooted systems in our country. So deeply rooted that it might be easy to miss.”Footnote43

Anti-Asian Racism

Canada has a very long history of anti-Asian racism. Some of the most egregious examples include the terrible conditions that almost 20,000 Chinese workers endured while building the Canadian Pacific Railway between 1885 and 1923, and the Chinese head tax that was enacted to restrict the immigration of Chinese people afterwards.Footnote44 Implemented through the Chinese Immigration Act (1885), the tax was the first legislation in Canadian history to limit immigration based on one’s ethnic background.Footnote45 At the time, Chinese people had to pay $50 to enter Canada, and over 38 years this increased to $500, benefiting the Canadian economy by $23 million. In 1923 the head tax was removed and replaced with the Chinese Exclusion Act, which banned all Chinese immigrants until its repeal in 1947. The Canadian Government has since apologized for issuing the head tax, acknowledging it as a racist immigration policy targeting Chinese people.Footnote46

Large-scale discriminatory acts against Japanese Canadians were also practiced during the Second World War. Japanese Canadians lost the right to vote in federal elections because the government considered Japanese Canadians to be a threat to Canada’s security. It was not until 1948 that Japanese Canadians were allowed to vote in both federal and provincial elections.

Canada’s denial of entry to people from India is a further example of discriminatory practices against Asians. In 1914, Canada stopped immigration from India, detaining 376 people on the Komagata Maru ship for two months. The incident ended in a deadly encounter with police and troops, and the passengers’ return to India.Footnote47 Anti-Asian racial discrimination continued with the rise of lobbies in Canada that opposed the immigration of Chinese, Japanese, Punjabis and other South Asians.Footnote48

The COVID-19 pandemic has only exacerbated long-standing prejudices against racialized Asian communities. Between March 2020 and February of 2021, the Chinese Canadian National Council recorded more than 1,000 incidents of anti-Asian racism.Footnote49 Reported incidents spanned from assault to verbal threats, harassment and microaggressions.Footnote50 Similar impacts of racism occurred during Canada’s SARS outbreak: there was a significant loss of patronage to Asian-run businesses and unfair dismissals of workers, particularly new immigrant populations from China and the Philippines.Footnote51

There has also been an escalation of anti-Islamic racism in Canada, particularly since the World Trade Center and Pentagon attacks in the United States of America on September 11th 2001.Footnote52 In 2017, the Islamic Cultural Centre of Quebec City was attacked: six worshippers were killed and five wounded.Footnote53 On June 6th 2021, a London Muslim family of five was deliberately attacked in a horrific hate crime, with four members killed. There has also been a marked increase in violence and discrimination towards Muslim women in Quebec since the tabling of Bill 21, legislation banning religious symbols in segments of the province’s civil service.Footnote54 Over that time, Justice Femme, a non-governmental organization supporting women in Quebec, received over 40 harassment and physical violence reports targeted at women who wear the hijab. These hate crimes are extremes in a long list of ethnic, gendered, and religious-based violence committed against racialized Canadians.

Specific Examples

Systemic racism can be experienced in a number of ways.

Indigenous and racialized people experience discrimination when they are stopped by the police or have reduced access to accommodation and employment to a disproportionate degree compared to the rest of the population. This means that in an equal representation of races, individuals who are white or members of the majority experience fewer negative incidents in their everyday lives in society than Indigenous or racialized individuals.

In 2016, one-quarter of the discrimination complaints filed with the Canadian Human Rights Commission were related to race, colour, national or ethnic origin or religion. (See alsoAnti-semitism in CanadaIslamophobia in Canada. ) In 2017, 43 per cent of reported hate crimes were motivated by hate related to race or ethnic origin.

In the labour market, studies show that a job applicant with a name that sounds AfricanArabic or Latin American is likely to be discriminated against during the hiring process. Moreover, there is a substantial difference in the unemployment rate between immigrants ― who are often racialized ― and the rest of the population. For example, from 2006 to 2015, the unemployment rate averaged 5.8 per cent in the population born in Canada versus 11.2 per cent among immigrants. The difference is highest in Quebec. In Canada, the unemployment rates are substantially higher in the Indigenous, Black and Arab communities.

Another example of systemic racism seen in Canada and elsewhere is racial profiling by the police. In 2019, a report from the Service de police de la Ville de Montréal showed that Black and Indigenous people are stopped four to five times more often than people who are white. A similar situation has been observed regarding the police in Toronto. In 2020, while Black people represented only 8.8 per cent of the population of Toronto, they were targeted in one-quarter of police actions and subjected to the use of force in 40 per cent of these actions.

Further, in 2020, despite representing only 5 per cent of Canada’s adult population, Indigenous people accounted for 30 per cent of the inmates in federal penitentiaries. (See Prison.)

The safe drinking water issue in Indigenous communities is another example of systemic racism. In 2022, 27 reserves were subject to long-term advisories regarding unsafe drinking water (do not consume, do not use, or boil water advisories). Yet, drinking water is readily accessible to the vast majority of the Canadian population. In fact, Canada has the 4th largest resources of renewable fresh water in the world.

 

Controversy Surrounding the Recognition of Systemic Racism

The concept of systemic racism has been the subject of controversy and heated debate in Canada.

In May 2020, the death of George Floyd in the United States following a police intervention led to a number of demonstrations worldwide. (SeeBlack Lives Matter-CanadaAnti-Black Racism in Canada.) These events forced a number of public figures to take a position on the issue. The Premier of QuebecFrançois Legault, asserted that he condemned racism, while questioning the existence of systemic racism in the province.

At the federal level, the Liberal government had already recognized the definition and existence of systemic racism. In fact, in 2019, Ottawa had published a plan to combat racism over a three-year period. A key element of this strategy was an investment of $4.6 million to establish a new Federal Anti-Racism Secretariat in the Department of Canadian Heritage.

The opposition parties, including the New Democratic Party and the Green Party, have followed the lead of the federal government in recognizing systemic racism. The Conservative Party of Canada maintains that it is anti-racist; however, some critics point to the fact that its 2019 and 2021 election platforms make no mention of the term.

The following provinces also recognize the existence of a racist system: British ColumbiaSaskatchewanOntarioNew BrunswickNova ScotiaPrince Edward Island, and Newfoundland and Labrador.

Possible Solutions

A number of experts and organizations have proposed solutions to combat systemic racism. Obviously, the problems differ according to communities and cases, but some solutions are frequently mentioned:

  • Recognize systemic racism. Much more than a semantic debate, such recognition is the starting point from which to launch the reconciliation process.
  • Recognize and support the work of organizations representing the IndigenousBlack and otherwise racialized communities, which have been combatting systemic racism for many years.
  • Offer more training involving intercultural approaches to workers in various fields (health care, education, police forces, etc.).
  • Promote the hiring of visible minorities and Indigenous people in the civil service.
  • Facilitate the handling of complaints in the various institutions.

Companies and organizations have even set up new, specialized teams to implement these strategies. In June 2022, British Columbia was the first province to pass legislation, the Anti-Racism Data Act, intended to collect data to better combat systemic racism. In Montreal, the Bureau de la commissaire à la lutte au racisme et aux discriminations systémiques was created in the wake of the June 2020 report from the Office de consultation publique de Montréal, which recognized the systemic nature of racism. (See also Balarama Holness.) The team’s mandate is to combat racism and systemic discrimination to make Montreal a more equitable and inclusive city.

 

Souissi, T. (2022). Systemic Racism in Canada. In The Canadian Encyclopedia. Retrieved from https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/systemic-racism

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Faith leaders call on Ford to reverse move to shutter supervised consumption sites

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TORONTO – Faith leaders are calling on Ontario Premier Doug Ford to reverse course on his decision to close 10 supervised consumption sites across the province.

A number of religious organizations came to Queen’s Park on Tuesday and said they were hopeful they could reach Ford’s “humanity.”

Last month, Health Minister Sylvia Jones outlined a fundamental shift in the province’s approach to the overdose crisis, largely driven by opioids such as fentanyl.

Ontario will shutter the 10 sites because they’re too close to schools and daycares, and the government will prohibit any new ones from opening as it moves to an abstinence-based treatment model.

Health workers, advocates and users of the sites have warned of a spike in deaths when the sites close, which is slated for March 31, 2025.

Until then, the faith leaders say they plan to pressure Ford for change.

“I’m hoping that, perhaps, if facts and figures and science and data have all failed, perhaps we have a chance to reach his humanity, perhaps we have an opportunity to try once again to convince him that we are talking about human beings who will die,” said Rev. Maggie Helwig of the Church of St. Stephen-in-the-Fields.

The faith organizations all work closely, in one form or another, with those addicted to drugs. The sites slated for closure have said they have reversed thousands of overdoses over the past few years.

“We believe that those who are visiting the sites are the folks who have the least resources, the highest need and the least access to privacy and care,” said Bishop Andrew Asbil of the Anglican Diocese of Toronto.

“We believe that the sites are in the right place, which means that they are often in places of deprivation and desolation and sometimes that also includes high crime rates.”

Rabbi Aaron Flanzraich of Beth Sholom Synagogue said the province’s decision should not be ideological.

“This is not an issue of where you stand,” he said.

“It’s an issue of where you sit, because if there are people in your family who you sit with at a table who suffer from this blight, from this struggle, you know that most importantly there should be a clear and supportive policy that makes it understandable that people are seen as human beings.”

Opioids began to take a hold in Ontario in 2015 with the rise of illicit fentanyl. Opioid toxicity deaths surged during the COVID-19 pandemic and hit a peak mortality rate of 19.3 deaths per 100,000 people in 2021, data from the Office of the Chief Coroner shows. That year 2,858 people died from opioids, the vast majority of which contained fentanyl.

The mortality rate dropped to 17.5 deaths per 100,000 people, or 2,593 people, last year, but remains more than 50 per cent higher than in 2019.

The Ford government introduced the consumption and treatment services model in 2018. At that time, the province put in place a cap of 21 such sites in the province, but has only funded 17.

Ford recently called his government’s approach a “failed policy.”

The province said it will launch 19 new “homelessness and addiction recovery treatment hubs” plus 375 highly supportive housing units at a cost of $378 million.

Jones has said no one will die as a result of the closures and Ford has said advocates should be grateful for the new model.

The government is not going to reverse course, Jones’s office said.

“Communities, parents, and families across Ontario have made it clear that the presence of drug consumption sites near schools and daycares is leading to serious safety problems,” Hannah Jensen, a spokeswoman for Jones, wrote in a statement Tuesday.

“We agree. That’s why our government is taking action to keep communities safe, while supporting the recovery of those struggling with opioid addiction.”

The health minister is encouraging existing sites to apply for the new model so long as they do away with both supervised consumption spaces and a needle exchange program.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 17, 2024.



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B.C. ‘fell so short’ in Doukhobor pay, communication after apology: ombudsperson

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VICTORIA – British Columbia’s ombudsperson has a list of criticisms for the province over the way it has treated Doukhobor survivors months after the premier apologized for the government’s removal of the children from their families in the 1950s.

A statement from Jay Chalke says the government is being vague about who is eligible for promised compensation, and its communication is so inconsistent and unclear that survivors are coming to his office for help.

Hundreds of children whose parents were members of the Sons of Freedom Doukhobor religious group were taken from their homes more than 70 years ago and sent to live in a former tuberculosis sanatorium in New Denver, B.C.

Chalke’s statement says given Eby’s “solemn apology” in the legislature, he’s surprised the province’s follow-up communication fell so short.

He says the government has confirmed that each survivor unjustly taken to New Denver will get $18,000 in compensation, which he says is inadequate as nearly two-thirds of the $10-million “recognition package” is going to other purposes.

The province announced in February that the money would also be used for community programs and education to provide “lasting recognition of historical wrongs” against members of the religious group and their families.

Chalke says the situation is further complicated because the government hasn’t provided clear information to survivors or descendants about any financial consequences of receiving the compensation.

Many of the survivors are living on a fixed income and Chalke says the province needs to make sure that accepting the money doesn’t have negative financial impacts on means-tested programs.

“This is important to ensure that the compensation is not clawed back, for example, through reduced seniors benefits or increased long-term care fees,” his statement says.

“I call on government to develop and share with the community its plan for contacting all survivors and descendants, providing timely, accurate information about government’s compensation program and responding to their questions.”

Chalke says he will be closely monitoring the next steps the government takes and he will continue to report on the situation publicly.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 17, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.



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“We have not hit the bottom yet:” Jasper council asks province for budget funding

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The town of Jasper, Alta., is asking the provincial government for budgetary financial support for the next few years to avoid drastically cutting services or implementing significant tax hikes while the community rebuilds.

The request comes as Jasper, which saw an estimated $283 million worth of property value destroyed by a devastating wildfire in July, begins to grapple with how it will manage severely reduced property tax revenue in the years to come.

“We have not hit the bottom yet,” Jasper Mayor Richard Ireland said during Tuesday’s town council meeting. “Our tax base is going to get even lower before it starts to recover.”

Town administration estimates the wildfire wiped out well over $2 million in rolling annual property tax revenue for the municipality, not including additional revenue the town would have continued to receive in future years in utility fees charged to the 358 homes and businesses that are no longer standing.

Council also approved Tuesday a property tax relief proposal for residents affected by the July wildfire.

Under the tax relief proposal, which is subject to the provincial government stepping up with financial assistance, all property owners would be given a one-month tax break for the time when a mandatory evacuation order was in place.

Property owners whose homes or businesses were destroyed would have their remaining or outstanding 2024 bill nullified, or refunded if the full year’s tax bill was already paid.

Ireland noted that four members of council, including himself, would be covered under this relief for having lost their homes.

The relief includes municipal property taxes, as well as the provincial education requisition, which would need to be refunded by the Alberta government.

The proposal means Jasper would forgo more than $1.9 million in municipal property tax revenue this year, or close to 10 per cent of its 2024 budget.

Jasper’s chief administrative officer Bill Given told council the town estimates it will miss out on an additional $1.7 million in 2024 from reduced paid parking, public transit, and utility fee revenue.

Heather Jenkins, the press secretary for Alberta Municipal Affairs Minister Ric McIver, said the ministry will consider the town’s request once received.

Given said Tuesday the town’s request is not unprecedented, as the province has previously provided Slave Lake, Alta., and the Regional Municipality of Wood Buffalo, Alta., with similar financial support after wildfires struck both communities in 2011 and 2016 respectively.

Without support from the province, Jasper could be faced with raising taxes on the properties that remain to make up for the lost revenue or cut services until the town’s tax base recovers when homes and businesses are rebuilt.

An administrative report presented to council says the first option would “cause significant strain” on residents, while cutting services “would likely both prolong the community’s recovery and damage the destination’s reputation with visitors.”

Ireland said Jasper would face “insurmountable challenges” if it doesn’t receive financial support from the province.

“We are not seeking a grant or a subsidy from the province,” Ireland argued. “I see this as an investment by the province in our tourism economy.”

“We contribute disproportionately to provincial (gross domestic product) recognized through tourism, so yes… the province can see this as an investment in its own future by supporting our tourism-based community.”

Tuesday also marked the first day of school for Jasper’s elementary, junior high, and high school students. Classes were delayed to start the year as both schools in the community suffered significant smoke damage.

The community’s transit service also resumed Tuesday.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 17, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.



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