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The Trudeau Foundation is a mere subplot in a much larger and more serious issue

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Alexandre Trudeau, second son of the 15th prime minister and brother of the 23rd, insisted on appearing before the standing committee on access to information, privacy and ethics to defend the honour of the Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation. His brother’s government surely would have rather he hadn’t, if only to avoid giving the story any more attention.

But except for the mere spectacle of a famous son and brother appearing before a parliamentary committee, it’s not obvious that the opposition Conservatives gained much from Trudeau’s appearance either.

Indeed, the two hours that Trudeau spent answering questions from MPs on Wednesday only seemed to make the case that, for all the oxygen it it has consumed, the tale of the donation to the Trudeau Foundation is but a curious and distracting subplot within a much larger and more serious story about alleged foreign interference in Canada by the Chinese state.

“Since its creation the foundation has granted several hundred scholarships to our most brilliant researchers and has given them the tools and training to make their important work more accessible to Canadians at large,” Trudeau told the committee. “It is precisely as a bastion of reason and tolerance — perhaps the last refuge even for a universal humanism — that Canada has become the target of foreign interference.”

Even more than his older brother, Alexandre Trudeau bears a strong resemblance to his father (whereas Justin got his mother’s hair, Alexandre got his father’s hairline). And apparently he talks a little like him too. Befitting his surname, he was a little combative with his inquisitors. But if Conservative MPs were hoping to bait him into saying something embarrassing — at one point, they just started asking him about his views on China — they basically failed.

Alexandre Trudeau, brother of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and member of the Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation, prepares to appear before the Parliamentary standing committee on access to information, privacy and ethics in Ottawa on Wednesday, May 3, 2023. (Justin Tang/The Canadian Press)

The Trudeau Foundation was created in 2002, shortly after the death of its namesake, when the federal government agreed to endow an independent organization that would mentor and assist young scholars. Everyone seemed more or less okay with the idea at the time. And for most of the foundation’s existence, it seems to have attracted little controversy. But over the last few months it has been referenced more than 200 times in the House of Commons.

The sudden uptick in interest coincides with a February report in the Globe and Mail alleging that CSIS had evidence in 2014 — when the former Conservative government was in office — that a donation to the foundation was part of an effort by Chinese officials to curry favour with Justin Trudeau. That a Chinese businessman had donated to the foundation was already well known. But now it was a piece of a larger furor over allegations of foreign interference in Canadian politics.

Alexandre Trudeau’s account of what happened

It was Alexandre Trudeau’s testimony that the University of Montreal first approached him about the donation in December 2013. The university had received a proposal to fund a scholarship in the late prime minister’s name. That led them to contact Trudeau, representing both the family and the foundation. And that led to some of the promised money going to the foundation.

Trudeau testified that he received no warning from CSIS about the donation, that the donors did not raise any “red flags” for him and that he did not discuss the donation with his brother. He repeated that his brother has not been involved with the foundation for nearly a decade. He also said that he does not discuss government policy with his brother — something he also said to CBC Radio in an interview in September 2016.

Though Trudeau cast doubt on the Globe’s reporting, it’s possible that a full airing of the facts and evidence would support the allegation that the donation had political motivations. It is also possible to look back and conclude that the Trudeau Foundation should have been more careful about who it accepted donations from. And there were numerous questions on Wednesday about the apparent disagreements between current and former managers of the foundation about how to handle questions about the donation.

But questions about corporate governance are a long way from the central concern about foreign interference. And no one at the committee table on Wednesday produced evidence that Alexandre Trudeau knowingly participated in a scheme to influence the government. Nor is there any indication that Justin Trudeau or his government did something wrong.

As the two hours dragged on, MPs seemed to run out of questions. For no particular reason, Trudeau was asked whether he thought a Chinese diplomat should be expelled over the alleged threats made against the family of Conservative MP Michael Chong. The prime minister’s younger brother politely declined to comment.

Conservative MP questions Alexandre Trudeau about Beijing-linked donor

 

Alexandre Trudeau tells MPs Zhang Bin was likely at a fundraiser event for Justin Trudeau because ‘he wanted to get a photo with the prime minister to show his friends.’

The new reality of foreign interference

When Morris Rosenberg, the Trudeau Foundation’s former president, testified before the same committee on Tuesday, he suggested that the donation needed to be understood in the context of the time period. Usually such pleas are more excuse than explanation, but it’s also not wrong to say that times have changed.

As Rosenberg noted, Stephen Harper’s cabinet ratified a Foreign Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement with China in September 2014. (Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre had a seat at the cabinet table at the time.)  But Rosenberg was too polite to mention the pandas.

A man in a suit and tie with glasses (Stephen Harper) sits next to a woman in a green outfit (his wife, Laureen) holding a giant panda. The panda and the man regard one another.
Prime Minister Stephen Harper and his wife, Laureen, hold a panda at the Chongqing Zoo in Chongqing, China, in 2012. Two giant pandas would call Canada home until 2020. (Adrian Wyld/The Canadian Press)

Harper posed with one of the cuddly Chinese animals during a trip to China in 2012 when he announced a deal to lease a pair of giant pandas for up to ten years (at a cost of $1 million per year). A year later, when Er Shun and Da Mao arrived in Toronto, Harper showed up at the airport to greet them.

“We have a prime minister who is not too busy to go and see two pandas that are not even allowed out of quarantine, but he is too busy to see 12 premiers,” Bob Rae, the former Liberal MP, teased Harper at the time.

In fairness, most Canadians would rather hang out with two pandas than a dozen premiers (pandas are easier to please and less prone to biting).

But in hindsight, do those pandas seem a little less cuddly? At the very least, there would certainly be calls to send them back if they were still here now (Er Shun and Da Mao were returned in November 2020 due to a bamboo shortage).

The context is very different now. The authoritarian threat to democracy is very apparent. Sensational allegations of Chinese interference are swirling. What the government knew, what there was to know and what was being done about whatever was going on is frustratingly unclear. The opposition Conservatives are telling Canadians to assume the worst and the Liberal government says national security prevents it from explaining itself.

At issue are the fundamental elements of Canadian democracy and the Canadian public’s ability to have faith in its institutions. These are big and serious things worthy of serious attention. And as much as the Trudeau Foundation is an inviting target for speculation and intrigue and spectacle, it’s not obvious that it’s anything more than a distraction from more important matters.

 

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Review finds no case for formal probe of Beijing’s activities under elections law

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OTTAWA – The federal agency that investigates election infractions found insufficient evidence to support suggestions Beijing wielded undue influence against the Conservatives in the Vancouver area during the 2021 general election.

The Commissioner of Canada Elections’ recently completed review of the lingering issue was tabled Tuesday at a federal inquiry into foreign interference.

The review focused on the unsuccessful campaign of Conservative candidate Kenny Chiu in the riding of Steveston-Richmond East and the party’s larger efforts in the Vancouver area.

It says the evidence uncovered did not trigger the threshold to initiate a formal investigation under the Canada Elections Act.

Investigators therefore recommended that the review be concluded.

A summary of the review results was shared with the Canadian Security Intelligence Service and the RCMP. The review says both agencies indicated the election commissioner’s findings were consistent with their own understanding of the situation.

During the exercise, the commissioner’s investigators met with Chinese Canadian residents of Chiu’s riding and surrounding ones.

They were told of an extensive network of Chinese Canadian associations, businesses and media organizations that offers the diaspora a lifestyle that mirrors that of China in many ways.

“Further, this diaspora has continuing and extensive commercial, social and familial relations with China,” the review says.

Some interviewees reported that this “has created aspects of a parallel society involving many Chinese Canadians in the Lower Mainland area, which includes concerted support, direction and control by individuals from or involved with China’s Vancouver consulate and the United Front Work Department (UFWD) in China.”

Investigators were also made aware of members of three Chinese Canadian associations, as well as others, who were alleged to have used their positions to influence the choice of Chinese Canadian voters during the 2021 election in a direction favourable to the interests of Beijing, the review says.

These efforts were sparked by elements of the Conservative party’s election platform and by actions and statements by Chiu “that were leveraged to bolster claims that both the platform and Chiu were anti-China and were encouraging anti-Chinese discrimination and racism.”

These messages were amplified through repetition in social media, chat groups and posts, as well as in Chinese in online, print and radio media throughout the Vancouver area.

Upon examination, the messages “were found to not be in contravention” of the Canada Elections Act, says the review, citing the Supreme Court of Canada’s position that the concept of uninhibited speech permeates all truly democratic societies and institutions.

The review says the effectiveness of the anti-Conservative, anti-Chiu campaigns was enhanced by circumstances “unique to the Chinese diaspora and the assertive nature of Chinese government interests.”

It notes the election was prefaced by statements from China’s ambassador to Canada and the Vancouver consul general as well as articles published or broadcast in Beijing-controlled Chinese Canadian media entities.

“According to Chinese Canadian interview subjects, this invoked a widespread fear amongst electors, described as a fear of retributive measures from Chinese authorities should a (Conservative) government be elected.”

This included the possibility that Chinese authorities could interfere with travel to and from China, as well as measures being taken against family members or business interests in China, the review says.

“Several Chinese Canadian interview subjects were of the view that Chinese authorities could exercise such retributive measures, and that this fear was most acute with Chinese Canadian electors from mainland China. One said ‘everybody understands’ the need to only say nice things about China.”

However, no interview subject was willing to name electors who were directly affected by the anti-Tory campaign, nor community leaders who claimed to speak on a voter’s behalf.

Several weeks of public inquiry hearings will focus on the capacity of federal agencies to detect, deter and counter foreign meddling.

In other testimony Tuesday, Conservative MP Garnett Genuis told the inquiry that parliamentarians who were targeted by Chinese hackers could have taken immediate protective steps if they had been informed sooner.

It emerged earlier this year that in 2021 some MPs and senators faced cyberattacks from the hackers because of their involvement with the Inter-Parliamentary Alliance on China, which pushes for accountability from Beijing.

In 2022, U.S. authorities apparently informed the Canadian government of the attacks, and it in turn advised parliamentary IT officials — but not individual MPs.

Genuis, a Canadian co-chair of the inter-parliamentary alliance, told the inquiry Tuesday that it remains mysterious to him why he wasn’t informed about the attacks sooner.

Liberal MP John McKay, also a Canadian co-chair of the alliance, said there should be a clear protocol for advising parliamentarians of cyberthreats.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 17, 2024.

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NDP beat Conservatives in federal byelection in Winnipeg

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WINNIPEG – The federal New Democrats have kept a longtime stronghold in the Elmwood-Transcona riding in Winnipeg.

The NDP’s Leila Dance won a close battle over Conservative candidate Colin Reynolds, and says the community has spoken in favour of priorities such as health care and the cost of living.

Elmwood-Transcona has elected a New Democrat in every election except one since the riding was formed in 1988.

The seat became open after three-term member of Parliament Daniel Blaikie resigned in March to take a job with the Manitoba government.

A political analyst the NDP is likely relieved to have kept the seat in what has been one of their strongest urban areas.

Christopher Adams, an adjunct professor of political studies at the University of Manitoba, says NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh worked hard to keep the seat in a tight race.

“He made a number of visits to Winnipeg, so if they had lost this riding it would have been disastrous for the NDP,” Adams said.

The strong Conservative showing should put wind in that party’s sails, Adams added, as their percentage of the popular vote in Elmwood-Transcona jumped sharply from the 2021 election.

“Even though the Conservatives lost this (byelection), they should walk away from it feeling pretty good.”

Dance told reporters Monday night she wants to focus on issues such as the cost of living while working in Ottawa.

“We used to be able to buy a cart of groceries for a hundred dollars and now it’s two small bags. That is something that will affect everyone in this riding,” Dance said.

Liberal candidate Ian MacIntyre placed a distant third,

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 16, 2024

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Trudeau says ‘all sorts of reflections’ for Liberals after loss of second stronghold

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OTTAWA – Prime Minister Justin Trudeau say the Liberals have “all sorts of reflections” to make after losing a second stronghold in a byelection in Montreal Monday night.

His comments come as the Liberal cabinet gathers for its first regularly scheduled meeting of the fall sitting of Parliament, which began Monday.

Trudeau’s Liberals were hopeful they could retain the Montreal riding of LaSalle—Émard—Verdun, but those hopes were dashed after the Bloc Québécois won it in an extremely tight three-way race with the NDP.

Louis-Philippe Sauvé, an administrator at the Institute for Research in Contemporary Economics, beat Liberal candidate Laura Palestini by less than 250 votes. The NDP finished about 600 votes back of the winner.

It is the second time in three months that Trudeau’s party lost a stronghold in a byelection. In June, the Conservatives defeated the Liberals narrowly in Toronto-St. Paul’s.

The Liberals won every seat in Toronto and almost every seat on the Island of Montreal in the last election, and losing a seat in both places has laid bare just how low the party has fallen in the polls.

“Obviously, it would have been nicer to be able to win and hold (the Montreal riding), but there’s more work to do and we’re going to stay focused on doing it,” Trudeau told reporters ahead of this morning’s cabinet meeting.

When asked what went wrong for his party, Trudeau responded “I think there’s all sorts of reflections to take on that.”

In French, he would not say if this result puts his leadership in question, instead saying his team has lots of work to do.

Bloc leader Yves-François Blanchet will hold a press conference this morning, but has already said the results are significant for his party.

“The victory is historic and all of Quebec will speak with a stronger voice in Ottawa,” Blanchet wrote on X, shortly after the winner was declared.

NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh and his party had hoped to ride to a win in Montreal on the popularity of their candidate, city councillor Craig Sauvé, and use it to further their goal of replacing the Liberals as the chief alternative to the Conservatives.

The NDP did hold on to a seat in Winnipeg in a tight race with the Conservatives, but the results in Elmwood-Transcona Monday were far tighter than in the last several elections. NDP candidate Leila Dance defeated Conservative Colin Reynolds by about 1,200 votes.

Singh called it a “big victory.”

“Our movement is growing — and we’re going to keep working for Canadians and building that movement to stop Conservative cuts before they start,” he said on social media.

“Big corporations have had their governments. It’s the people’s time.”

New Democrats recently pulled out of their political pact with the government in a bid to distance themselves from the Liberals, making the prospects of a snap election far more likely.

Trudeau attempted to calm his caucus at their fall retreat in Nanaimo, B.C, last week, and brought former Bank of Canada governor Mark Carney on as an economic adviser in a bid to shore up some credibility with voters.

The latest byelection loss will put more pressure on him as leader, with many polls suggesting voter anger is more directed at Trudeau himself than at Liberal policies.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 17, 2024.

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