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FUREY: When this is all over, Canadian politics will be engulfed by a major debate – The London Free Press

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As COVID-19 cases slowly but steadily grow in Canada and the world economy moves towards a recession, unity is the name of the game in Canadian politics right now. As it should be.

In Ontario, MPPs from all parties voted unanimously to approve legislation to help workers. On the federal level, there is widespread support for Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s massive stimulus package to assist workers and shore up the hardest hit sectors.

We don’t know for how long the virus will see Canadian economic life ground to a halt. When it is all over though, the nation will be collectively faced with a big question: What do we do with these new funding initiatives? Do we end them as soon as the last travel restriction is lifted? Do we wait until the markets return to where they were before? Or do we just leave them in place?

It’s that last question that is going to engulf Canadian politics and become perhaps the most existential debate we’ve ever had.

Back in 2009, the Stephen Harper Conservative government rebranded the document previously known as “the budget” to be the Economic Action Plan.

Harper and his finance minister Jim Flaherty were fiscal conservatives who came to office with zero interest in running big deficits. But the financial crisis of 2008 changed everything as G8 nations rushed to inject capital to rescue the nosediving economy.

While Harper eventually put Canada back on track to running surpluses just before he left office, a lot of those supposedly temporary measures introduced in 2009 stuck around and became permanent.

Federal government agencies created to roll out stimulus money still exist today. And the Conservatives never did stop calling the budget the Economic Action Plan.

It seems were are on the cusp of something similar, but this time bigger.

The current plan announced by Trudeau exceeds $80 billion, offering $27.4 billion in direct support to individuals and another $55 billion in deferred taxes. (By comparison, the first announced round of stimulus in early 2009 was $35 billion, to be stretched out over two years.)

The specifics of the Liberal plan include longer-term income support for workers facing decreased hours, income boosts for lower income families and increases to the Canada Child Benefit payment.

Right now, these measures are the responsible thing to do regardless of your political bent due to the unprecedented nature of the situation. But this is also a massive expansion of government, some of which coincides with what socialist activists have been calling for over the years.

When it comes to a guaranteed national income, the Green Party of Canada posted to social media the other day, “outbreak or not, we need to adopt it. And very soon.”

On Thursday, I appeared on Global News Radio Toronto alongside host John Oakley and NDP MPP Peter Tabuns. On air, I observed that when we finally beat back the virus, politicians will be engulfed in a debate over whether these measures become permanent. “Yes, we will have that conversation,” the gregarious Tabuns said in response.

Times of crisis are also times of opportunity for those with an agenda. Politicians and activists who wish for a more socialist Canada know that this is their moment.

Even if COVID-19 does not hit Canada as hard as some of the modelling predicts, the Canadian people have already faced profound economic and psychological disruption. We may be on the cusp right now of an inflection point in human history that brings about fundamental changes both in geopolitics and the way we live our lives. Anything is now possible.

Vladimir Lenin had long wanted a socialist revolution in Russia but the conditions were not ripe until 1917, when the Tsarist autocracy was overthrown and workers rose up in insurrection. The ideologue, exiled in Switzerland, knew his moment had arrived and boarded a train that took him to the Finland station in the heart of Russia. It was then that the Bolshevik Revolution began.

The train has already left the station for Canada. It bears goods we all want and need. We are right to welcome it. Canadians will be faced with a pressing question in the months ahead though: When will be the time to turn it back?

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Technology upgrades mean speedier results expected for B.C. provincial election

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British Columbians could find out who wins the provincial election on Oct. 19 in about the same time it took to start counting ballots in previous votes.

Andrew Watson, a spokesman for Elections BC, says new electronic vote tabulators mean officials hope to have half of the preliminary results for election night reported within about 30 minutes, and to be substantially complete within an hour of polls closing.

Watson says in previous general elections — where votes have been counted manually — they didn’t start the tallies until about 45 minutes after polls closed.

This will B.C.’s first general election using electronic tabulators after the system was tested in byelections in 2022 and 2023, and Watson says the changes will make the process both faster and more accessible.

Voters still mark their candidate on a paper ballot that will then be fed into the electronic counter, while networked laptops will be used to look up peoples’ names and cross them off the voters list.

One voting location in each riding will also offer various accessible voting methods for the first time, where residents will be able to listen to an audio recording of the candidates and make their selection using either large paddles or by blowing into or sucking on a straw.

The province’s three main party leaders are campaigning across B.C. today with NDP Leader David Eby in Chilliwack promising to double apprenticeships for skilled trades, Conservative Leader John Rustad in Prince George talking power generation, and Greens Leader Sonia Furstenau holding an announcement Thursday about mental health.

It comes as a health-care advocacy group wants to know where British Columbia politicians stand on six key issues ahead of an election it says will decide the future of public health in the province.

The BC Health Coalition wants improved care for seniors, universal access to essential medicine, better access to primary care, reduced surgery wait times, and sustainable working conditions for health-care workers.

It also wants pledges to protect funding for public health care, asking candidates to phase out contracts to profit-driven corporate providers that it says are draining funds from public services.

Ayendri Riddell, the coalition’s director of policy and campaigns, said in a statement that British Columbians need to know if parties will commit to solutions “beyond the political slogans” in campaigning for the Oct. 19 election.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 26, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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How Many Votes Are Needed for a Vote of No Confidence in Canada?

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In Canadian parliamentary democracy, a vote of no confidence (also known as a confidence motion) is a crucial mechanism that can force a sitting government to resign or call an election. It is typically initiated when the opposition, or even members of the ruling party, believe that the government has lost the support of the majority in the House of Commons.

What Is a Vote of No Confidence?

A vote of no confidence is essentially a test of whether the government, led by the prime minister, still commands the support of the majority of Members of Parliament (MPs) in the House of Commons. If the government loses such a vote, it is either required to resign or request the dissolution of Parliament, leading to a general election.

This process upholds one of the fundamental principles of Canadian democracy: the government must maintain the confidence of the elected House of Commons to govern. This rule ensures accountability and provides a check on the government’s power.

How Many Votes Are Needed for a No Confidence Motion?

In the Canadian House of Commons, there are 338 seats. To pass a vote of no confidence, a simple majority of MPs must vote in favor of the motion. This means that at least 170 MPs must vote in support of the motion to cause the government to lose confidence.

If the government holds a minority of seats, it is more vulnerable to such a vote. In this case, the opposition parties could band together to reach the 170 votes required for the no-confidence motion to succeed. In a majority government, the ruling party has more than half the seats, making it more difficult for a vote of no confidence to pass, unless there is significant dissent within the ruling party itself.

Types of Confidence Votes

  1. Explicit Confidence Motions: These are motions specifically introduced to test whether the government still holds the confidence of the House. For example, the opposition might move a motion stating, “That this House has no confidence in the government.”
  2. Implicit Confidence Motions: Some votes are automatically considered confidence motions, even if they are not explicitly labeled as such. The most common example is the approval of the federal budget. If a government loses a vote on its budget, it is seen as losing the confidence of the House.
  3. Key Legislation: Occasionally, the government may declare certain pieces of legislation as confidence matters. This could be done to ensure the support of the ruling party and its allies, as a loss on such a bill would mean the collapse of the government.

What Happens If the Government Loses a Confidence Vote?

If a government loses a confidence vote in the House of Commons, two outcomes are possible:

  1. Resignation and New Government Formation: The prime minister may resign, and the governor general can invite another leader, typically the leader of the opposition, to try to form a new government that can command the confidence of the House.
  2. Dissolution of Parliament and General Election: The prime minister can request that the governor general dissolve Parliament, triggering a general election. This gives voters the opportunity to elect a new Parliament and government.

Historical Context of Confidence Votes in Canada

Canada has seen several instances of votes of no confidence, particularly during minority government situations. For example, in 2011, the government of Prime Minister Stephen Harper lost a vote of confidence over contempt of Parliament, which led to the dissolution of Parliament and the federal election.

Historically, most no-confidence votes are associated with budgetary issues or key pieces of legislation. They can be rare, especially in majority governments, as the ruling party usually has enough support to avoid defeat in the House of Commons.

To pass a vote of no confidence in Canada, at least 170 MPs out of 338 must vote in favor of the motion. This vote can lead to the government’s resignation or a general election, making it a powerful tool in ensuring that the government remains accountable to the elected representatives of the people. In the context of Canadian democracy, the vote of no confidence is a key safeguard of parliamentary oversight and political responsibility.

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Feds eyeing new ways to publicly flag possible foreign interference during elections

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OTTAWA – A senior federal official says the government is mulling new ways to inform the public about possible foreign interference developments during an election campaign.

Under the current system, a panel of five top bureaucrats would issue a public warning if they believed an incident — or an accumulation of incidents — threatened Canada’s ability to have a free and fair election.

There was no such announcement concerning the 2019 or 2021 general elections.

Allen Sutherland, an assistant secretary to the federal cabinet, told a commission of inquiry today that officials are looking at how citizens might be told about developments that don’t quite reach the current threshold.

He said that would help inform people of things they ought to know more about, even if the incidents don’t rise to the level of threatening the overall integrity of an election.

Allegations of foreign interference in the last two general elections prompted calls for the public inquiry that is now underway.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 26, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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