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America’s camp politics over Covid-19 – The Tribune India

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MK Bhadrakumar

Former Ambassador

Centred around the face-off between US President Trump and the WHO, the developments of the past fortnight hold signposts for Indian diplomacy. The annual session of the World Health Assembly (WHA) last week (May 18-19), the WHO’s policy-making plenary, witnessed the face-off taking the form of a morality play — theatrical entertainment and allegory with moral attributes prompting viewers to make choices.

For South Block, it all began with US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo’s videoconference with a clutch of like-minded counterparts handpicked from Asia, West Asia and the western hemisphere — ‘Quad’ plus South Korea, Israel and Brazil — to discuss the ‘transparency and accountability in combating the Covid-19 pandemic and in addressing its causes’ and for ‘reaffirming the importance of the rules-based international order’.

This followed Trump’s announcement to freeze US funding for the WHO for its refusal to blame China for the outbreak. Trump alleged that the WHO promoted China’s ‘disinformation’. Pompeo proclaimed, ‘The rule of law, transparency, and accountability will be the key to our shared success.’ Delhi’s role in this sordid episode remains obscure, but the folly of creating misperceptions of India lending its shoulders to the US to snipe at China and the WHO cannot be understated. Pompeo hoped to mitigate the US isolation on the eve of the WHA, as global concerns over the pandemic began crystallising. Frankly, Pompeo’s venture was none of India’s business.

In the event, China played a lead role in the negotiations at the WHA to forge a consensus among 194 member-countries and become one of the co-sponsors of the resolution that was finally adopted. Over 100 countries formed a coalition to come up with the draft resolution. The thrust of the resolution was in its stirring call to prevent discrimination and smearing campaigns and to take measures to counter disinformation (read ‘Wuhan virus’); implement a multi-sector action plan in strengthening the health systems of the member-countries against the pandemic; and work collaboratively to develop and scale up effective and affordable diagnostics, therapeutics, medicine and vaccines. Simply put, Washington’s push for a so-called independent investigation into China over the outbreak fizzled out. And India, as so often when it comes to China, missed the woods for the trees.

In his address to the WHA — Trump refused to attend the virtual meeting — Chinese President Xi Jinping pledged a $2 billion contribution over the next two years to help developing countries cope with Covid-19 — and, importantly, he committed that vaccines developed by China would be made ‘accessible and affordable’ to developing countries. This last part is of crucial importance to India.

Trump has refused to make any such pledge on global accessibility or affordability of any vaccine being developed in the US. Delhi should have absolute clarity of mind here, for India is no stranger to the predatory trade practices of western pharma companies.

But the WHA has been a watershed event for other reasons, too. It not only debunked the ‘Wuhan virus’ thesis, but also the international community realises that Trump’s motives are self-centred — to divert attention from his own incompetence in combating the pandemic, which threatens to be the leitmotif of the presidential election in November. Even the US’ European allies understand why in the midst of a global crisis, American foreign policy is absorbed with China’s actions at the start of the outbreak, rather than a global effort to contain and eventually end it.

The 27-member EU backed the WHA resolution. The paradox is: The US had largely led the world into the current global system, but no country is prepared today to follow America out of it. In effect, the US is abandoning multilateralism as the only way to halt its decline and diminishing global dominance. In this momentous debate, where does India stand, since it swears by multilateralism as the beacon light of its foreign policy? In retrospect, India shouldn’t have had any truck with Pompeo’s six-nation ginger group.

Fortuitously, India’s election to the WHO’s 34-member Executive Board and of minister Harsh Vardhan’s choice as its rotating chairman for the next year presents us with a fresh start. The heart of the matter is that Covid-19 poses a big challenge to India, but also poses a great opportunity at the political level.

So far, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar has been the navigator of our ‘pandemic diplomacy’. He made a few phone calls and distributed some hydroxychloroquine and Panadol tablets to some countries. That lacklustre phase has been a disappointment. The government’s priorities have since turned, rightly so, to expatriate evacuation operations. But there is a ‘big picture’ that shouldn’t be lost sight of.

The pandemic highlights the imperatives of South-South cooperation, which used to be a key template of India’s diplomacy till we abandoned the developing countries and hitched our wagons to the Washington Consensus. It took a pandemic, finally, to compel our elites to shake off their reveries and witness the sorrows of millions of countrymen entrapped in a life of poverty, and hark back to India’s ingrained habitat.

Vardhan’s advisory role in the WHO is easily definable. China can be a natural ally for him, provided he is allowed such latitude by South Block whose pivot to Washington complicates India-China relations and brings no dividends as the country enters a dangerous period with the virus stepping out of metropolises to stalk our vast undefended countryside.

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Political parties cool to idea of new federal regulations for nomination contests

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OTTAWA – Several federal political parties are expressing reservations about the prospect of fresh regulations to prevent foreign meddlers from tainting their candidate nomination processes.

Elections Canada has suggested possible changes to safeguard nominations, including barring non-citizens from helping choose candidates, requiring parties to publish contest rules and explicitly outlawing behaviour such as voting more than once.

However, representatives of the Bloc Québécois, Green Party and NDP have told a federal commission of inquiry into foreign interference that such changes may be unwelcome, difficult to implement or counterproductive.

The Canada Elections Act currently provides for limited regulation of federal nomination races and contestants.

For instance, only contestants who accept $1,000 in contributions or incur $1,000 in expenses have to file a financial return. In addition, the act does not include specific obligations concerning candidacy, voting, counting or results reporting other than the identity of the successful nominee.

A report released in June by the National Security and Intelligence Committee of Parliamentarians expressed concern about how easily foreign actors can take advantage of loopholes and vulnerabilities to support preferred candidates.

Lucy Watson, national director of the NDP, told the inquiry Thursday she had concerns about the way in which new legislation would interact with the internal decision-making of the party.

“We are very proud of the fact that our members play such a significant role in shaping the internal policies and procedures and infrastructure of the party, and I would not want to see that lost,” she said.

“There are guidelines, there are best practices that we would welcome, but if we were to talk about legal requirements and legislation, that’s something I would have to take away and put further thought into, and have discussions with folks who are integral to the party’s governance.”

In an August interview with the commission of inquiry, Bloc Québécois executive director Mathieu Desquilbet said the party would be opposed to any external body monitoring nomination and leadership contest rules.

A summary tabled Thursday says Desquilbet expressed doubts about the appropriateness of requiring nomination candidates to file a full financial report with Elections Canada, saying the agency’s existing regulatory framework and the Bloc’s internal rules on the matter are sufficient.

Green Party representatives Jon Irwin and Robin Marty told the inquiry in an August interview it would not be realistic for an external body, like Elections Canada, to administer nomination or leadership contests as the resources required would exceed the federal agency’s capacity.

A summary of the interview says Irwin and Marty “also did not believe that rules violations could effectively be investigated by an external body like the Office of the Commissioner of Canada Elections.”

“The types of complaints that get raised during nomination contests can be highly personal, politically driven, and could overwhelm an external body.”

Marty, national campaign director for the party, told the inquiry Thursday that more reporting requirements would also place an administrative burden on volunteers and riding workers.

In addition, he said that disclosing the vote tally of a nomination contest could actually help foreign meddlers by flagging the precise number of ballots needed for a candidate to be chosen.

Irwin, interim executive director of the Greens, said the ideal tactic for a foreign country would be working to get someone in a “position of power” within a Canadian political party.

He said “the bad guys are always a step ahead” when it comes to meddling in the Canadian political process.

In May, David Vigneault, director of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service at the time, said it was very clear from the design of popular social media app TikTok that data gleaned from its users is available to the Chinese government.

A December 2022 CSIS memo tabled at the inquiry Thursday said TikTok “has the potential to be exploited” by Beijing to “bolster its influence and power overseas, including in Canada.”

Asked about the app, Marty told the inquiry the Greens would benefit from more “direction and guidance,” given the party’s lack of resources to address such things.

Representatives of the Liberal and Conservative parties are slated to appear at the inquiry Friday, while chief electoral officer Stéphane Perrault is to testify at a later date.

After her party representatives appeared Thursday, Green Leader Elizabeth May told reporters it was important for all party leaders to work together to come up with acceptable rules.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

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New Brunswick election candidate profile: Green Party Leader David Coon

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FREDERICTON – A look at David Coon, leader of the Green Party of New Brunswick:

Born: Oct. 28, 1956.

Early years: Born in Toronto and raised in Montreal, he spent about three decades as an environmental advocate.

Education: A trained biologist, he graduated with a bachelor of science from McGill University in Montreal in 1978.

Family: He and his wife Janice Harvey have two daughters, Caroline and Laura.

Before politics: Worked as an environmental educator, organizer, activist and manager for 33 years, mainly with the Conservation Council of New Brunswick.

Politics: Joined the Green Party of Canada in May 2006 and was elected leader of the New Brunswick Green Party in September 2012. Won a seat in the legislature in 2014 — a first for the province’s Greens.

Quote: “It was despicable. He’s clearly decided to take the low road in this campaign, to adopt some Trump-lite fearmongering.” — David Coon on Sept. 12, 2024, reacting to Blaine Higgs’s claim that the federal government had decided to send 4,600 asylum seekers to New Brunswick.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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New Brunswick election profile: Progressive Conservative Leader Blaine Higgs

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FREDERICTON – A look at Blaine Higgs, leader of the Progressive Conservative Party of New Brunswick.

Born: March 1, 1954.

Early years: The son of a customs officer, he grew up in Forest City, N.B., near the Canada-U.S. border.

Education: Graduated from the University of New Brunswick with a degree in mechanical engineering in 1977.

Family: Married his high-school sweetheart, Marcia, and settled in Saint John, N.B., where they had four daughters: Lindsey, Laura, Sarah and Rachel.

Before politics: Hired by Irving Oil a week after he graduated from university and was eventually promoted to director of distribution. Worked for 33 years at the company.

Politics: Elected to the legislature in 2010 and later served as finance minister under former Progressive Conservative Premier David Alward. Elected Tory leader in 2016 and has been premier since 2018.

Quote: “I’ve always felt parents should play the main role in raising children. No one is denying gender diversity is real. But we need to figure out how to manage it.” — Blaine Higgs in a year-end interview in 2023, explaining changes to school policies about gender identity.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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