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Politics of last resort: In India the compact between voter and legislator is all too easily broken – The Times of India Blog

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If an alien landed on Earth and demanded to see an Indian legislator in his natural habitat, where would you send him? My pick: an upscale resort hotel. Among freshly mown lawns, long buffet tables, and flat screen TVs showing Bollywood reruns, the odds of sighting a state legislator would appear fairly high. (MPs tend to be more elusive.)

If schlepping it to a hotel in Manesar, or Mumbai, or the outskirts of Bangalore, seems like too much effort, you could just turn on the television instead and watch excitable anchors and political pundits analyse “the numbers game.” Will the rebel legislators herded into a resort succeed in toppling an elected government? Or will the wily chief minister, holed up with his flock in another hotel, keep the wolves at bay?

The venue for this month’s drama is Rajasthan. But from recent memory you could easily swap it for Karnataka, Maharashtra or Madhya Pradesh by changing just a few details – like the homesick MLA who asks a chef to make paranthas rather than poha. While the ending may vary from state to state, the drama’s setting (a resort or hotel) and characters (sitting legislators) remain unchanged.

In the Rajasthan crisis, newspapers speculate that the going price for a state legislator to switch parties ranges between  Rs 15-25 crore, or $2.25 million to $3.75 million, a staggering sum in any country, but particularly so in one whose annual per capita income hovers around $2100. But what’s shocking is not the figures bandied about; it’s that people have lost the capacity to be shocked. In India, the idea of a legislator with a price tag has become as commonplace as the expectation that a fashion model be tall or a doctor wear a white coat.

No single party bears all the blame. With its bottomless pockets, these days the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party plays destabiliser-in-chief while Congress struggles to keep its state governments intact. In Maharashtra, last year, it was the Shiv Sena that hastily betrayed the voters’ mandate by abandoning a coalition with BJP that enjoyed popular legitimacy. Nor did Congress or the Nationalist Congress Party come out smelling like roses. Suffice to say that most elected politicians spring from a common culture.

Even the Aam Aadmi Party, birthed in an anti-corruption movement that captured the middle class imagination nine years ago, turned out not to be that different. Faced with electoral reality, the party’s promises of radical transparency and a new kind of politics quickly faded. In hindsight, Arvind Kejriwal’s shrill diatribes against the trappings of power like government bungalows and official cars suggested longing more than revulsion. Nobody should be surprised that the prominent do-gooders who helped give AAP its moral sheen at the outset did not last very long in the party.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi may have largely retained his clean image, but BJP no longer even pretends to be “the party with a difference.” Nor do its supporters seem to care particularly. Many of them have no qualms about the party leadership playing dirty, as long as it plays to win. They are like supporters of a long-suffering soccer team that has learned how to expertly foul opponents and suddenly starts lifting championship trophies. Winning is all that matters.

Campaign finance lies at the heart of the defection problem. Elections cost a lot of money and a ministerial position is widely seen as a means to recoup investment. Here BJP has the dubious distinction of touting a reform – electoral bonds – that has arguably made the problem worse. According to Carnegie Endowment for International Peace scholar Milan Vaishnav, “by their design, electoral bonds legitimise opacity in how elections are funded.”

What does a willingness to switch loyalties so easily say about the compact between voter and elected representative? In the late 18th century, Edmund Burke famously told his constituents in Bristol that they could not expect him to blindly follow their wishes in Parliament. According to Burke, as a Member of Parliament he only owed his constituents “the clearest conviction of his judgment and conscience.” He expected them to elect him for his discernment, not as a mere rubber stamp.

As populism has swept the West, this Burkean ideal has come under stress. According to a YouGov poll last year, four-fifths of British MPs agreed with Burke, but only 7% of voters shared his view of representation. In India, forget about “judgment and conscience.” You can’t even be sure that the person you voted for because they stood for one set of ideas won’t turn around and join a party that stands for the opposite.

What does all this mean for Indian democracy? If you’re an optimist, you can look at it as a phase. Few democracies have followed Singapore’s path of squeaky cleanliness from the start. Many countries with relatively ethical politics today did not look that different from India a hundred years ago.

If you’re a pessimist, however, you have to wonder if the breakdown of the most elementary trust between voter and legislator points toward something more troubling, a signpost along the road to the delegitimisation of democracy. Will the rotten plank that resort politics represents eventually bring down the entire house?

DISCLAIMER : Views expressed above are the author’s own.

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Political parties cool to idea of new federal regulations for nomination contests

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OTTAWA – Several federal political parties are expressing reservations about the prospect of fresh regulations to prevent foreign meddlers from tainting their candidate nomination processes.

Elections Canada has suggested possible changes to safeguard nominations, including barring non-citizens from helping choose candidates, requiring parties to publish contest rules and explicitly outlawing behaviour such as voting more than once.

However, representatives of the Bloc Québécois, Green Party and NDP have told a federal commission of inquiry into foreign interference that such changes may be unwelcome, difficult to implement or counterproductive.

The Canada Elections Act currently provides for limited regulation of federal nomination races and contestants.

For instance, only contestants who accept $1,000 in contributions or incur $1,000 in expenses have to file a financial return. In addition, the act does not include specific obligations concerning candidacy, voting, counting or results reporting other than the identity of the successful nominee.

A report released in June by the National Security and Intelligence Committee of Parliamentarians expressed concern about how easily foreign actors can take advantage of loopholes and vulnerabilities to support preferred candidates.

Lucy Watson, national director of the NDP, told the inquiry Thursday she had concerns about the way in which new legislation would interact with the internal decision-making of the party.

“We are very proud of the fact that our members play such a significant role in shaping the internal policies and procedures and infrastructure of the party, and I would not want to see that lost,” she said.

“There are guidelines, there are best practices that we would welcome, but if we were to talk about legal requirements and legislation, that’s something I would have to take away and put further thought into, and have discussions with folks who are integral to the party’s governance.”

In an August interview with the commission of inquiry, Bloc Québécois executive director Mathieu Desquilbet said the party would be opposed to any external body monitoring nomination and leadership contest rules.

A summary tabled Thursday says Desquilbet expressed doubts about the appropriateness of requiring nomination candidates to file a full financial report with Elections Canada, saying the agency’s existing regulatory framework and the Bloc’s internal rules on the matter are sufficient.

Green Party representatives Jon Irwin and Robin Marty told the inquiry in an August interview it would not be realistic for an external body, like Elections Canada, to administer nomination or leadership contests as the resources required would exceed the federal agency’s capacity.

A summary of the interview says Irwin and Marty “also did not believe that rules violations could effectively be investigated by an external body like the Office of the Commissioner of Canada Elections.”

“The types of complaints that get raised during nomination contests can be highly personal, politically driven, and could overwhelm an external body.”

Marty, national campaign director for the party, told the inquiry Thursday that more reporting requirements would also place an administrative burden on volunteers and riding workers.

In addition, he said that disclosing the vote tally of a nomination contest could actually help foreign meddlers by flagging the precise number of ballots needed for a candidate to be chosen.

Irwin, interim executive director of the Greens, said the ideal tactic for a foreign country would be working to get someone in a “position of power” within a Canadian political party.

He said “the bad guys are always a step ahead” when it comes to meddling in the Canadian political process.

In May, David Vigneault, director of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service at the time, said it was very clear from the design of popular social media app TikTok that data gleaned from its users is available to the Chinese government.

A December 2022 CSIS memo tabled at the inquiry Thursday said TikTok “has the potential to be exploited” by Beijing to “bolster its influence and power overseas, including in Canada.”

Asked about the app, Marty told the inquiry the Greens would benefit from more “direction and guidance,” given the party’s lack of resources to address such things.

Representatives of the Liberal and Conservative parties are slated to appear at the inquiry Friday, while chief electoral officer Stéphane Perrault is to testify at a later date.

After her party representatives appeared Thursday, Green Leader Elizabeth May told reporters it was important for all party leaders to work together to come up with acceptable rules.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

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New Brunswick election candidate profile: Green Party Leader David Coon

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FREDERICTON – A look at David Coon, leader of the Green Party of New Brunswick:

Born: Oct. 28, 1956.

Early years: Born in Toronto and raised in Montreal, he spent about three decades as an environmental advocate.

Education: A trained biologist, he graduated with a bachelor of science from McGill University in Montreal in 1978.

Family: He and his wife Janice Harvey have two daughters, Caroline and Laura.

Before politics: Worked as an environmental educator, organizer, activist and manager for 33 years, mainly with the Conservation Council of New Brunswick.

Politics: Joined the Green Party of Canada in May 2006 and was elected leader of the New Brunswick Green Party in September 2012. Won a seat in the legislature in 2014 — a first for the province’s Greens.

Quote: “It was despicable. He’s clearly decided to take the low road in this campaign, to adopt some Trump-lite fearmongering.” — David Coon on Sept. 12, 2024, reacting to Blaine Higgs’s claim that the federal government had decided to send 4,600 asylum seekers to New Brunswick.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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New Brunswick election profile: Progressive Conservative Leader Blaine Higgs

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FREDERICTON – A look at Blaine Higgs, leader of the Progressive Conservative Party of New Brunswick.

Born: March 1, 1954.

Early years: The son of a customs officer, he grew up in Forest City, N.B., near the Canada-U.S. border.

Education: Graduated from the University of New Brunswick with a degree in mechanical engineering in 1977.

Family: Married his high-school sweetheart, Marcia, and settled in Saint John, N.B., where they had four daughters: Lindsey, Laura, Sarah and Rachel.

Before politics: Hired by Irving Oil a week after he graduated from university and was eventually promoted to director of distribution. Worked for 33 years at the company.

Politics: Elected to the legislature in 2010 and later served as finance minister under former Progressive Conservative Premier David Alward. Elected Tory leader in 2016 and has been premier since 2018.

Quote: “I’ve always felt parents should play the main role in raising children. No one is denying gender diversity is real. But we need to figure out how to manage it.” — Blaine Higgs in a year-end interview in 2023, explaining changes to school policies about gender identity.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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