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European politics has gone from complicated to impenetrable

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The idea of a political “left” and “right” originated in revolutionary France: members of the freshly minted National Assembly picked their seats according to their fealty to either the king (they sat on the right) or the people (on the left). For as long as the idea of a political spectrum has existed, there have been complaints that a single axis is inadequate to reflect the complexity of multifaceted civic matters. Still, the idea has proved enduring, even as the meaning of being left- or right-wing has evolved. For people not obsessed with politics, the shorthand provides an adequate framework for understanding the values of those running the country. Care about locking up criminals, rewarding work, defence spending and family values? Tick this box. You favour better public services, giving people second chances, foreign aid and social justice? Tick that one. Other options available on request.

 

From America to India and Japan, voters in democracies the world over will recognise such polarising partisanship. Often there is too much of it. Europe now has too little. Its political waters are muddied as never before. Power in many of the EU’s 27 member states has become increasingly fragmented. Beyond left and right, centrist liberals now vie for office, as do greens, on top of populists on either fringe of the spectrum. Bring this electoral jumble up to the quasi-federal European level, where most big decisions are made nowadays, and it becomes impossible to work out what ideas those running the show have in common (not to mention that it can be hard to figure out who is running the show). Across Europe, coalitions have long been a cumbersome necessity to form national governments. At the EU level, you now have coalitions built atop coalitions.

European politics has become like quantum physics: anyone who claims to understand it doesn’t. It was not always thus. In 2010, nine of the 12 biggest countries in the EU had governments led by the centre-right; the rest were in the hands of the centre-left. The EU institutions in Brussels were also controlled by the right, starting with the European Commission, the bloc’s executive arm. When the continent’s big beasts came together—Germany’s Angela Merkel and France’s Nicolas Sarkozy, or José Manuel Barroso, the commission boss—they thought in broadly similar ways. They spoke the same language, albeit in different tongues.

Even then, decision-making could be tortuous: being right-wing in Poland is not quite the same thing as being right-wing in Portugal, and national interest can divide more than ideology unites. Nonetheless, when deals had to be struck, for instance on how to bail out Greece, a common intellectual framework existed. You might not have liked Europe’s fiscally rigid ways, say, but you understood where they came from. EU leaders met regularly (as they did this week, starting on June 29th). The thorniest decisions were quietly pre-arranged at meetings of the centre-right leaders that immediately preceded the summits.

But look at the 12 biggest EU countries these days, and no clear pattern emerges. Four political families—centre-right, centre-left, liberals and a populist conservative bloc—now hold sway in three countries each. Getting Germany, Italy, France and Sweden to agree on much was hard enough in 2010, even when their leaders hailed from the same political group. Now Germany has a three-way coalition led by a centre-left chancellor, France a liberal president with no parliamentary majority, Sweden a right-wing prime minister backed by hard-right populists, and Italy vice versa.

If there is a convincing narrative of what is going on in European politics, Charlemagne has yet to hear of it. The centre-right is not the force it once was, but nor is it completely doused: Kyriakos Mitsotakis triumphed in Greece last weekend, and the right is odds-on favourite to win in Spain on July 23rd as well as in Germany in 2025, displacing left-led governments in both cases. Liberals have probably the most prominent EU leader at the moment in Emmanuel Macron, but he has no clear succession plan. Think socialism is kaput? In France and Poland perhaps. But a third of EU citizens live in countries led by centre-left heads of government, more than any other political group. Populists, especially on the right, for a while were thought to be unstoppable at the ballot box; the hard-right is now second in the polls in Germany, and first in Austria. In other places, such as the Czech Republic and Slovenia, they look a spent force.

Could elections for the European Parliament in a year’s time provide a sense of the political direction in which Europe is heading? Probably not. There also, two parties used to dominate: the centre-right (European People’s Party) and centre-left (Socialists & Democrats). Now they control, respectively, a quarter and a fifth of the seats: not enough for a majority. Both are likely to lose ground next June. In any event, few people look to the parliament—a place where regulation is finessed, not high politics crafted—when it comes to setting a pan-European direction.

All directions, please

Europe’s political mush has not mattered so much in recent years, dominated as it has been by one crisis after another. Fighting covid-19 was a multipartisan affair. Dealing with the pandemic’s aftermath was mostly consensual, too. Everyone from small-state conservatives to hardened communists agreed it was time for government to spend lavishly to keep the economy afloat. The war in Ukraine united Polish populists and lefty Finns by way of liberal Dutch, all as keen as one another to combat Russian aggression.

But politics cannot be suspended for ever. If Europe is to feel like a single polity, as its proponents advocate, citizens must grasp what they are signing up for. Right now they do not. The Punch-and-Judy politics of two-party states has its drawbacks, but the clarity that emerges from such elections is enviable. America will go to the polls in 2024, and emerge with a government either of the right or left. The EU will keep opting for all-of-the-above.

 

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‘Disgraceful:’ N.S. Tory leader slams school’s request that military remove uniform

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HALIFAX – Nova Scotia Premier Tim Houston says it’s “disgraceful and demeaning” that a Halifax-area school would request that service members not wear military uniforms to its Remembrance Day ceremony.

Houston’s comments were part of a chorus of criticism levelled at the school — Sackville Heights Elementary — whose administration decided to back away from the plan after the outcry.

A November newsletter from the school in Middle Sackville, N.S., invited Armed Forces members to attend its ceremony but asked that all attendees arrive in civilian attire to “maintain a welcoming environment for all.”

Houston, who is currently running for re-election, accused the school’s leaders of “disgracing themselves while demeaning the people who protect our country” in a post on the social media platform X Thursday night.

“If the people behind this decision had a shred of the courage that our veterans have, this cowardly and insulting idea would have been rejected immediately,” Houston’s post read. There were also several calls for resignations within the school’s administration attached to Houston’s post.

In an email to families Thursday night, the school’s principal, Rachael Webster, apologized and welcomed military family members to attend “in the attire that makes them most comfortable.”

“I recognize this request has caused harm and I am deeply sorry,” Webster’s email read, adding later that the school has the “utmost respect for what the uniform represents.”

Webster said the initial request was out of concern for some students who come from countries experiencing conflict and who she said expressed discomfort with images of war, including military uniforms.

Her email said any students who have concerns about seeing Armed Forces members in uniform can be accommodated in a way that makes them feel safe, but she provided no further details in the message.

Webster did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

At a news conference Friday, Houston said he’s glad the initial request was reversed but said he is still concerned.

“I can’t actually fathom how a decision like that was made,” Houston told reporters Friday, adding that he grew up moving between military bases around the country while his father was in the Armed Forces.

“My story of growing up in a military family is not unique in our province. The tradition of service is something so many of us share,” he said.

“Saying ‘lest we forget’ is a solemn promise to the fallen. It’s our commitment to those that continue to serve and our commitment that we will pass on our respects to the next generation.”

Liberal Leader Zach Churchill also said he’s happy with the school’s decision to allow uniformed Armed Forces members to attend the ceremony, but he said he didn’t think it was fair to question the intentions of those behind the original decision.

“We need to have them (uniforms) on display at Remembrance Day,” he said. “Not only are we celebrating (veterans) … we’re also commemorating our dead who gave the greatest sacrifice for our country and for the freedoms we have.”

NDP Leader Claudia Chender said that while Remembrance Day is an important occasion to honour veterans and current service members’ sacrifices, she said she hopes Houston wasn’t taking advantage of the decision to “play politics with this solemn occasion for his own political gain.”

“I hope Tim Houston reached out to the principal of the school before making a public statement,” she said in a statement.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 8, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Saskatchewan NDP’s Beck holds first caucus meeting after election, outlines plans

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REGINA – Saskatchewan Opposition NDP Leader Carla Beck says she wants to prove to residents her party is the government in waiting as she heads into the incoming legislative session.

Beck held her first caucus meeting with 27 members, nearly double than what she had before the Oct. 28 election but short of the 31 required to form a majority in the 61-seat legislature.

She says her priorities will be health care and cost-of-living issues.

Beck says people need affordability help right now and will press Premier Scott Moe’s Saskatchewan Party government to cut the gas tax and the provincial sales tax on children’s clothing and some grocery items.

Beck’s NDP is Saskatchewan’s largest Opposition in nearly two decades after sweeping Regina and winning all but one seat in Saskatoon.

The Saskatchewan Party won 34 seats, retaining its hold on all of the rural ridings and smaller cities.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 8, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Nova Scotia election: Liberals say province’s immigration levels are too high

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HALIFAX – Nova Scotia‘s growing population was the subject of debate on Day 12 of the provincial election campaign, with Liberal Leader Zach Churchill arguing immigration levels must be reduced until the province can provide enough housing and health-care services.

Churchill said Thursday a plan by the incumbent Progressive Conservatives to double the province’s population to two million people by the year 2060 is unrealistic and unsustainable.

“That’s a big leap and it’s making life harder for people who live here, (including ) young people looking for a place to live and seniors looking to downsize,” he told a news conference at his campaign headquarters in Halifax.

Anticipating that his call for less immigration might provoke protests from the immigrant community, Churchill was careful to note that he is among the third generation of a family that moved to Nova Scotia from Lebanon.

“I know the value of immigration, the importance of it to our province. We have been built on the backs of an immigrant population. But we just need to do it in a responsible way.”

The Liberal leader said Tim Houston’s Tories, who are seeking a second term in office, have made a mistake by exceeding immigration targets set by the province’s Department of Labour and Immigration. Churchill said a Liberal government would abide by the department’s targets.

In the most recent fiscal year, the government welcomed almost 12,000 immigrants through its nominee program, exceeding the department’s limit by more than 4,000, he said. The numbers aren’t huge, but the increase won’t help ease the province’s shortages in housing and doctors, and the increased strain on its infrastructure, including roads, schools and cellphone networks, Churchill said.

“(The Immigration Department) has done the hard work on this,” he said. “They know where the labour gaps are, and they know what growth is sustainable.”

In response, Houston said his commitment to double the population was a “stretch goal.” And he said the province had long struggled with a declining population before that trend was recently reversed.

“The only immigration that can come into this province at this time is if they are a skilled trade worker or a health-care worker,” Houston said. “The population has grown by two per cent a year, actually quite similar growth to what we experienced under the Liberal government before us.”

Still, Houston said he’s heard Nova Scotians’ concerns about population growth, and he then pivoted to criticize Prime Minister Justin Trudeau for trying to send 6,000 asylum seekers to Nova Scotia, an assertion the federal government has denied.

Churchill said Houston’s claim about asylum seekers was shameful.

“It’s smoke and mirrors,” the Liberal leader said. “He is overshooting his own department’s numbers for sustainable population growth and yet he is trying to blame this on asylum seekers … who aren’t even here.”

In September, federal Immigration Minister Marc Miller said there is no plan to send any asylum seekers to the province without compensation or the consent of the premier. He said the 6,000 number was an “aspirational” figure based on models that reflect each province’s population.

In Halifax, NDP Leader Claudia Chender said it’s clear Nova Scotia needs more doctors, nurses and skilled trades people.

“Immigration has been and always will be a part of the Nova Scotia story, but we need to build as we grow,” Chender said. “This is why we have been pushing the Houston government to build more affordable housing.”

Chender was in a Halifax cafe on Thursday when she promised her party would remove the province’s portion of the harmonized sales tax from all grocery, cellphone and internet bills if elected to govern on Nov. 26. The tax would also be removed from the sale and installation of heat pumps.

“Our focus is on helping people to afford their lives,” Chender told reporters. “We know there are certain things that you can’t live without: food, internet and a phone …. So we know this will have the single biggest impact.”

The party estimates the measure would save the average Nova Scotia family about $1,300 a year.

“That’s a lot more than a one or two per cent HST cut,” Chender said, referring to the Progressive Conservative pledge to reduce the tax by one percentage point and the Liberal promise to trim it by two percentage points.

Elsewhere on the campaign trail, Houston announced that a Progressive Conservative government would make parking free at all Nova Scotia hospitals and health-care centres. The promise was also made by the Liberals in their election platform released Monday.

“Free parking may not seem like a big deal to some, but … the parking, especially for people working at the facilities, can add up to hundreds of dollars,” the premier told a news conference at his campaign headquarters in Halifax.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 7, 2024.

— With files from Keith Doucette in Halifax

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