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From Chains to Ballots: The Evolution of Black Voting Rights in Canada

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In the intricate tapestry of Canadian history, the story of Black Voting Rights in Canada unfolds as a saga of contrasts, traversing the shackles of slavery to the empowering realm of political participation. While emancipation brought the promise of equality, racial discrimination persisted, influencing the trajectory of Black Canadians’ voting rights. This narrative also unveils the gendered nuances, highlighting the additional challenges faced by Black women.

Historical Background

Enslavement and Legal Exclusion

The period between 1600 and 1834 marked the enslavement of Black individuals in Canada, depriving them of basic human rights, including the right to vote. Legal definitions categorized them as chattel property, devoid of citizenship and participation in the democratic process.

Emancipation and Limited Freedoms

Emancipation in 1834 theoretically granted Black Canadians the rights of British subjects, entailing the right to vote. However, racial prejudices persisted, curbing their civil liberties. Black women faced dual discrimination due to both race and gender, further restricting their rights.

Challenges in Exercising the Franchise

Legal Eligibility Criteria

Black men could vote if they were naturalized subjects and owned taxable property. However, until 1920, property ownership or a specified net worth was a prerequisite for voting, excluding the impoverished, the working class, and racialized minorities.

Encounters with Voter Suppression

While not legally barred from voting, Black Canadians encountered prejudice that manifested in voter suppression. Instances, like the Colchester incident in 1848, where Black voters were physically obstructed, highlight the challenges faced. Legal interventions were sometimes necessary to affirm their rights.

The Political Influence of the Black Vote

Although a minority in the electorate, the Black vote wielded influence in several elections. Politicians courted Black voter support, and strategic voting by Black communities addressed issues of discrimination. The example of Edwin Larwill’s defeat in 1857 illustrates the impact of Black voters.

Preserving and Expanding Rights

Franchise as a Sacred Right

Black Canadians, through publications like “Voice of the Fugitive,” vehemently defended their right to vote as a sacred entitlement. Samuel Ringgold Ward emphasized that denying them the right to vote was a violation more severe than the theft of their possessions.

Elected Offices and Symbolic Triumphs

Black individuals sought elected office as a means to reinforce their voting rights. Abraham Shadd in 1859, William Peyton Hubbard, the acting mayor of Toronto from 1894 to 1914, and later breakthroughs like Leonard Braithwaite in 1963 and Lincoln Alexander in 1968 showcase their political endeavors.

The Role of Black Women

Suffrage Movements and Socio-Economic Influence

Black women, akin to their white counterparts, participated in suffrage movements and fought for the right to vote. The level of engagement often correlated with socio-economic backgrounds. Louisa Johnson’s involvement in the suffrage movement in the early 20th century exemplifies the commitment of Black women.

Wartime Elections Act of 1917

The Wartime Elections Act of 1917 extended voting rights to female relatives of men in the military, including Black women with Black servicemen. This marked progress but was limited in scope.

Breakthroughs in Elected Offices

Rosemary Brown’s election to the legislative assembly of British Columbia in 1972, Daurene Lewis becoming mayor of Annapolis Royal in 1984, and Anne Cools appointed to the Senate in the same year symbolize the strides made by Black women in elected offices.

Community Efforts and Publications

Publications as Advocacy Platforms

Historic Black-owned publications like “Voice of the Fugitive” and “The Provincial Freeman” served as platforms to inform and mobilize the Black community. This tradition continued with publications like Dawn of Tomorrow, Contrast, and Share newspapers.

Community Organizations and Political Engagement

Community groups like the British American Association of Coloured Brothers and the Central Citizens’ Association in Windsor organized meetings and debates, encouraging political engagement within the Black community.

Significance of Voting Rights

Affirmation of Status and Rights

For Black Canadians, voting was not just a civic duty; it was an affirmation of their status as British subjects and later Canadian citizens. The political arena provided a space to articulate concerns, seek redress, and ensure the protection of their rights and freedoms.

Conclusion

The evolution of Black Voting Rights in Canada is a testament to the resilience and determination of a community that transitioned from chains to ballots. From battling legal exclusions to confronting voter suppression, Black Canadians have woven their narrative into the democratic fabric of the nation. The struggle is ongoing, but the historical trajectory illustrates the potency of the vote as a tool for empowerment and societal transformation. As Canada strives for a more inclusive democracy, the echoes of this history continue to resonate, shaping the future of Black political participation in the country.

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Political parties cool to idea of new federal regulations for nomination contests

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OTTAWA – Several federal political parties are expressing reservations about the prospect of fresh regulations to prevent foreign meddlers from tainting their candidate nomination processes.

Elections Canada has suggested possible changes to safeguard nominations, including barring non-citizens from helping choose candidates, requiring parties to publish contest rules and explicitly outlawing behaviour such as voting more than once.

However, representatives of the Bloc Québécois, Green Party and NDP have told a federal commission of inquiry into foreign interference that such changes may be unwelcome, difficult to implement or counterproductive.

The Canada Elections Act currently provides for limited regulation of federal nomination races and contestants.

For instance, only contestants who accept $1,000 in contributions or incur $1,000 in expenses have to file a financial return. In addition, the act does not include specific obligations concerning candidacy, voting, counting or results reporting other than the identity of the successful nominee.

A report released in June by the National Security and Intelligence Committee of Parliamentarians expressed concern about how easily foreign actors can take advantage of loopholes and vulnerabilities to support preferred candidates.

Lucy Watson, national director of the NDP, told the inquiry Thursday she had concerns about the way in which new legislation would interact with the internal decision-making of the party.

“We are very proud of the fact that our members play such a significant role in shaping the internal policies and procedures and infrastructure of the party, and I would not want to see that lost,” she said.

“There are guidelines, there are best practices that we would welcome, but if we were to talk about legal requirements and legislation, that’s something I would have to take away and put further thought into, and have discussions with folks who are integral to the party’s governance.”

In an August interview with the commission of inquiry, Bloc Québécois executive director Mathieu Desquilbet said the party would be opposed to any external body monitoring nomination and leadership contest rules.

A summary tabled Thursday says Desquilbet expressed doubts about the appropriateness of requiring nomination candidates to file a full financial report with Elections Canada, saying the agency’s existing regulatory framework and the Bloc’s internal rules on the matter are sufficient.

Green Party representatives Jon Irwin and Robin Marty told the inquiry in an August interview it would not be realistic for an external body, like Elections Canada, to administer nomination or leadership contests as the resources required would exceed the federal agency’s capacity.

A summary of the interview says Irwin and Marty “also did not believe that rules violations could effectively be investigated by an external body like the Office of the Commissioner of Canada Elections.”

“The types of complaints that get raised during nomination contests can be highly personal, politically driven, and could overwhelm an external body.”

Marty, national campaign director for the party, told the inquiry Thursday that more reporting requirements would also place an administrative burden on volunteers and riding workers.

In addition, he said that disclosing the vote tally of a nomination contest could actually help foreign meddlers by flagging the precise number of ballots needed for a candidate to be chosen.

Irwin, interim executive director of the Greens, said the ideal tactic for a foreign country would be working to get someone in a “position of power” within a Canadian political party.

He said “the bad guys are always a step ahead” when it comes to meddling in the Canadian political process.

In May, David Vigneault, director of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service at the time, said it was very clear from the design of popular social media app TikTok that data gleaned from its users is available to the Chinese government.

A December 2022 CSIS memo tabled at the inquiry Thursday said TikTok “has the potential to be exploited” by Beijing to “bolster its influence and power overseas, including in Canada.”

Asked about the app, Marty told the inquiry the Greens would benefit from more “direction and guidance,” given the party’s lack of resources to address such things.

Representatives of the Liberal and Conservative parties are slated to appear at the inquiry Friday, while chief electoral officer Stéphane Perrault is to testify at a later date.

After her party representatives appeared Thursday, Green Leader Elizabeth May told reporters it was important for all party leaders to work together to come up with acceptable rules.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.



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Métis Nation Saskatchewan leaves national council, cites concerns with Ontario group

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OTTAWA – The Métis Nation of Saskatchewan has pulled out of a national body representing Métis, citing problems with an Ontario group and throwing the future of the Métis National Council into question.

In a resolution passed Thursday morning, the Saskatchewan group says the Métis Nation of Ontario, which is a member of the national body, accepts and continues to represent people who are not Métis.

“The Métis National Council has increasingly been used for advocacy purposes that are inconsistent with its original mandate and vision, diverting from the foundational role of representing Métis rights and self-determination,” the resolution says.

It also says the Métis National Council has failed to ensure the integrity of the Ontario group’s citizenship registry and has not rectified problems, despite constant calls to do so.

The resolution says its continued association with the Métis Nation of Ontario “no longer benefits the Métis Nation within Saskatchewan or the Métis Nation as a whole.”

The Métis Nation of Ontario did not immediately respond to a request for comment, but has previously defended its citizenship registry as being legitimate.

The departure of the Saskatchewan group comes years after the Manitoba Métis Federation withdrew from the council, citing similar concerns about the Métis Nation of Ontario.

“This was not a decision our government made lightly but one we felt necessary. Our (Métis Nation of Saskatchewan) government and our Métis communities need to have control over our identity and culture while making decisions that align with the values of our Saskatchewan Métis Nation,” said president Glen McCallum in a statement on Thursday.

The Métis National Council was, until Thursday, comprised of the Métis Nation of Saskatchewan, the Métis Nation of Alberta, the Métis Nation of Ontario and the Métis Nation of British Columbia.

The Saskatchewan group was a founding member of the national body, along with the Alberta group and the Manitoba Métis Federation.

According to the national council’s bylaws, quorum for its board of governors meetings must include two of the founding members. As of now only one remains, bringing into question the future of the organization, which often works with the federal government and advocates internationally for Métis.

Will Goodon, who serves as the Manitoba Métis Federation’s housing minister, said the national body is “dead today.”

“A meeting cannot be held. And they cannot change the bylaws without having a board of governors meeting,” he wrote on X.

Métis National Council president Cassidy Caron announced earlier this year she would not be seeking re-election, leaving an open contest for someone to fill her post.

The board voted to postpone and reschedule a September vote and general assembly to November. Caron said in a newsletter that her term will end on Sept. 30 either way.

The Saskatchewan group had already pulled support for federal legislation that would enshrine its self-government over concerns about the Métis Nation of Ontario and the Métis Nation of Alberta, which were also included.

McCallum said in April the legislation was holding the group back, and that they needed to put the needs of Métis in Saskatchewan first.

First Nations chiefs in Ontario and the Manitoba Métis Federation consistently raised concerns about the Ontario group as the legislation was being studied by a House of Commons committee, with Métis Nation of Ontario president Margaret Froh billing the self-government process as the longest in Canadian history.

First Nations chiefs in Ontario have accused the federal government of overstepping its jurisdiction and alleged the legislation infringes on their rights.

The Assembly of First Nations, which represents some 630 chiefs across Canada, passed a resolution calling for the federal government to kill the legislation altogether. The AFN’s concerns are mainly focused on six new communities the Métis Nation of Ontario and the province recognized in 2017, which it says have no historical basis to exist.

The Manitoba Métis Federation has also opposed the extension of self-government to the Métis Nation of Ontario, saying the Ontario group’s membership is not on par with its definition of Métis.

The Métis Nation of Ontario has disputed that, pushing back against the idea Métis only exist around the Red River in Manitoba.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.



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Quebec public services are becoming ‘dehumanized’ due to rise in demand: ombudsperson

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MONTREAL – Quebec’s ombudsperson is warning that public services are becoming “dehumanized” in the province amid a rise in demand for them.

Marc-André Dowd released his annual report today, which highlights several examples of people receiving inadequate care across the health network in the 12 months leading to March 31.

One dying man who lived alone was denied help cleaning his cat’s litter box by his local health clinic, a service Dowd says should have been given for “humanitarian reasons.”

Dowd also describes staff at a long-term care home feeding residents “mechanically” and talking among each other — despite health ministry guidelines directing staff to maintain eye contact with residents.

The ombudsperson says his office received a record number of problems to investigate across the province’s public services — 24,867 compared with 22,053 last year.

He says his office investigated 13,358 cases between April 2023 and March of this year.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

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