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Canada’s Haiti sanctions are hitting some big names

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The sanctions Canada announced this weekend against six high-ranking Haitian politicians may or may not succeed in changing their behaviour — but they did show that the government of Canada is not as committed to Haiti’s ruling party as the Haitian opposition has claimed.

All six of the sanctioned figures were connected to the Parti Haitien Tet Kale (PHTK) or “Haitian Bald-Head Party.” They include former president Michel Martelly, whose hairless head gave the party its name.

As if to make the rebuke clearer, PM Justin Trudeau told reporters at the Francophonie Summit in Tunisia on Sunday that Canada’s actions in Haiti are not coordinated with Haiti’s de facto government.

“Our approach now is not about doing what one political party or the government wants,” he said. “We cannot simply support one side or the other on the political spectrum in Haiti, but this time we’ve implemented serious sanctions on the elite, on these oligarchs, specific individuals who for too long have been directly profiting from violence and instability in Haiti that is harming the Haitian people.”

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Foreign Minister Mélanie Joly added that the sanctions “are linked to the fact that (the six) are profiting from the violence that is being weaponized by gangs in Haiti. And therefore our goal is to make sure that these people that are profiting from the violence, that are part of a corrupted system, are facing accountability.”

It all points to a shift in the federal government’s view of the party that has effectively ruled Haiti for a decade.

A ‘charming’ former president

Retired Canadian diplomat Gilles Rivard got to know Michel Martelly well for two reasons. Firstly, he was the Canadian ambassador in Haiti — the only country in the world where the Canadian ambassador has major influence as a local political heavyweight.

Secondly, they were neighbours.

“The official residence of the Canadian ambassador in Haiti is next door to Mr. Martelly’s residence,” Rivard told CBC News.

The president and neighbour Rivard remembers was a “very easy-going man” who had developed his people skills as a successful performer of Haitian Compas music.

“Michel Martelly is what we call a seducer,” he said. “He’s a man that is on the stage, so he knows how to interact with people and I remember having a very good relation with him.”

Still, there were indications the former musician known as “Sweet Mickey” could be less sweet in private.

“He could be very charming publicly,” said Girard. “But when he had to deal with issues with his party and ministers, he was probably a different person. And yet he was close to Canada.

“Canada had a good relation with Martelly.”

The Canadian sanctions were widely reported and commented on in Haiti, where the PHTK-dominated Ariel Henry government is unpopular.

Rivard said the high-profile names on Canada’s sanction list — people like former president Martelly and former prime ministers Laurent Lamothe and Jean Henry Ceant — sent the message that no one is too senior to be singled out.

Former Haitian prime minister Laurent Lamothe in 2012. (Dieu Nalio Chery/Associated Press)

“It’s not just low-hanging fruit. You’re trying to get, you know, fruits very high in the tree,” he told CBC News. “We named three heavyweights in Haitian politics, so it will have an impact.

“It will send a very strong message to people that they could be added to that list, and by openly supporting gangs they expose themselves, and I think they will be much more cautious.”

While Canadian sanctions on Russian oligarchs tend to be mostly symbolic, Rivard said Canadian sanctions on figures from the Haitian elite can have a very real impact.

“A lot of Haitians have properties in United States, in Canada and in France,” he said. “You would be surprised to know how many Haitians have a Canadian passport in their drawer in case they need it.”

A mansion in Quebec

Martelly’s foreign holdings are concentrated not in Canada but in Palm Beach, Florida, and he has not been sanctioned by the U.S. government so far.

But one of those sanctioned, Senator Rony Celestin, is a textbook case of how Canadian sanctions can hurt Haitian elites.

Senator Rony Celestin is one of the last officials in Haiti who still has a valid electoral mandate. Canada accuses him of collaborating with armed gangs. (Facebook)

He will no longer be able to enjoy his $4.25 million home in an exclusive area of Laval, Quebec, which he owns with his wife Marie Louisa Celestin, who also serves as a consular official of Haiti in Montreal.

Celestin is one of the last politicians left in Haiti who enjoys a democratic mandate, although his six-year term is set to expire in little over a month and he already has announced his retirement from public life.

Haitian Senator Rony Celestin’s $4.25 million home in Laval-sur-le-Lac, Quebec. (Realtor listing)

Celestin claims to have made his fortune in the import-export business and through a company called PetroGaz Haiti S.A., which claims on its website to be “among the leaders in the petroleum industry … offering premium services worldwide.”

In addition to its oil and gas holdings, PetroGaz Haiti claims large operations in shipping and in agriculture. But there is little real-world evidence of PGH’s extensive holdings.

Senators trade accusations

Celestin’s feud in June with another Haitian PHTK senator, Willot Joseph, saw the two exchange accusations of corruption and criminality on social media and on Haiti’s airwaves.

Willot Joseph is no angel himself. In 2019 he admitted to accepting a $100,000 US bribe to vote to confirm a prime minister-designate.

“I don’t see anything wrong with receiving money during difficult times,” he told Gazette Haiti. “I take it and I don’t have to be [a] hypocrite with anyone.”

But Joseph’s allegations against Celestin were significantly worse. In addition to claiming Celestin was a drug trafficker, he accused him of orchestrating two murders — including that of journalist Néhémie Joseph, whose bullet-riddled body was found in the trunk of a car in Celestin’s fiefdom of Mirebalais in 2019.

Celestin accused Joseph of running a car theft ring and consorting with gangs.

The two feuding senators called a truce only after each had thoroughly discredited the other.

‘Mercenaries, not gangs’

Frantz Andre, a Haitian-Canadian activist in Montreal, did more than anyone to shine a light on Celestin’s hard-to-explain wealth and his life of luxury in Canada.

He organized protests by members of Montreal’s large Haitian diaspora at the Laval mansion.

He said the house at 391 Rue les Erables in Laval-sur-le-Lac may be only part of Celestin’s Canadian holdings.

“About a week ago, a real estate agent called me and told me that they also have other real estate in Saint-Eustache,” he said.

He said he’s glad to see Canada taking action against political leaders like Celestin and Martelly, although it should have happened earlier.

“Everybody knew about Michel Martelly for years,” he said. “Everybody knew about his brother-in-law, Charles ‘Kiko’ Saint-Rémy, who’s known to be a drug dealer. So Canada has known that.”

He said he sees the sanctions as a positive “first step”.

“But we think there’s still a way to go, going after the real criminals, and the real criminals are those fifteen oligarch families who’ve basically been running the country economically, politically, and who are funding gangs as well,” he said.

In fact, Andre said, the notion of “gangs” terrorizing Haiti obscures the real picture.

“I do not call them gangs. I actually call them mercenaries,” he said. “They are people working for others. It’s a war between different interests. And these are mercenaries, not gangs.”

Big fish netted, but ‘whales’ still free

While the latest round of sanctions may have caught some big fish, said Andre, “the whales still have to be taken.”

“Why are we not talking about (Gilbert) Bigio?” he asked. Haiti’s richest man owns and operates a private port that has been used to smuggle contraband, and he has been implicated by gang leaders. “Why not the Acra, why not the Vorbe?”

The men Andre claims pull the strings of both politicians and gangsters are the dozen or so elite families of Haiti’s oligarchy that once supported the Duvaliers and now have made new connections with the PHTK.

Andre said he hopes the sanctions announced this week will lead to swift action against properties like the house at Laval-sur-le-Lac.

“We simply say this is corruption, there’s illegality and we have to make sure that really is being seized and somehow, hopefully, returned to the country, to the population.”

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Canada's top five federal contaminated sites to cost taxpayers billions to clean up – CTV News

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YELLOWKNIFE –

With a cost estimate of $4.38 billion, remediation of the Giant Mine, one of the most contaminated sites in Canada, is also expected to be the most expensive federal environmental cleanup in the country’s history.

The figure, recently approved by the Treasury Board of Canada, spans costs from 2005 until 2038, when active remediation at the former Yellowknife gold mine is anticipated to end. That includes $710 million the federal government said has already been spent, but does not include costs forlong-term care and maintenance.

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“It doesn’t bother me so much that it’s going to cost $4 billion to clean up Giant Mine. What really bothers me is that the taxpayer is covering that cost,” said David Livingstone, chair of the Giant Mine Oversight Board.

It indicates the federal government failed to ensure private developers provided financial security to remediate sites. He said while that has improved over time, there will likely be more issues in the future.

“We as a society need to get a better handle on what it costs us to support mining industry and oil and gas industry,” he said. “If the numbers suggest that it’s going to cost more to clean up a site than that site generated in revenue to the Crown, we’ve got a problem.”

There are more than 20,000 locations listed in the federal contaminated sites inventory, from dumps and abandoned mines to military operations on federal land.

Environment and Climate Change Canada says that after Giant Mine, the four most expensive cleanups are the Faro Mine in Yukon, the Port Hope Area Initiative in Ontario, Esquimalt Harbour in British Columbia and Yukon’s United Keno Hill Mine.

More than $2 billion has been spent on the five sites so far, and it’s anticipated they will cost taxpayers billions more in the coming years. Their final price tags are not yet known.

The most recent numbers from the Treasury Board of Canada indicate more than $707 million has been spent on remediation, care and maintenance at Faro Mine, a former open pit lead-zinc mine.Its remediation project is expected to take 15 years to complete and is currently estimated to cost $1 billion, plus $166 million for the first 10 years of long-term operation and maintenance.

Parsons Inc. was awarded a $108-million contract in February for construction, care and maintenance at Faro Mine until March 2026, with the option to extend the contract for the duration of active remediation. The company said the contract could ultimately span 20 years and exceed $2 billion.

In 2012, Ottawa committed $1.28 billion in funding over 10 years for the cleanup of historical low-level radioactive waste in the municipalities of Port Hope and Port Grandby, Ont. To date more than $722 million has been spent on assessment and remediation.

The Port Grandby Project was completed earlier this year and has moved into long-term monitoring for hundreds of years. The Port Hope cleanup, which started in 2018, will continue into 2030.

The cleanup in the Esquimalt Harbour seabed in Victoria currently has a budget of $162.5 million. Roughly $214 million has already been spent on remediation and assessment. The Department of National Defence said that may include costs before 2015, when the remediation project began.

Cleanup of United Keno Hill Mine, a historical silver, lead and zinc mining property near Yukon’s Keno City, is estimated to cost $125 million, including $79 million during its active reclamation phase. That is expected to begin in 2023 and take five years, followed by a two-year transition phase then long-term monitoring and maintenance. More than $67 million has been spent on remediation, care and maintenance at the site so far.

Other costly federal sites that have been cleaned up include the Cape Dyer Dew-Line, 21 former radar stations across the Arctic, for $575 million, the Sydney tar ponds and coke ovens on Cape Breton Island, N.S., for nearly $398 million, and the 5 Wing Goose Bay air force base in Labrador, for $142.9 million.

The 2022 public accounts state the gross liability for the 2,524 federal contaminated sites where action is required is nearly $10 billion based on site assessments. Of the 3,079 unassessed sites, 1,330 are projected to proceed to remediation with an estimated liability of $256 million.

The federal contaminated sites action plan was established in 2005 with $4.54 billion in funding over 15 years. That was renewed for an additional 15 years, from 2020 to 2034, with a commitment of $1.16 billion for the first five years.

Jamie Kneen with MiningWatch Canada said the contamination from Giant Mine highlights the importance of the planning and assessment process for development projects.

“If you don’t actually do any planning around something, you can end up with a pretty horrible mess,” he said. “In this case, it killed people before they started even capturing the arsenic. We don’t want that to happen anymore.”

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 27, 2022.

——

This story was produced with the financial assistance of the Meta and Canadian Press News Fellowship.

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Trudeau government unveils long-awaited plan to confront an 'increasingly disruptive' China – CBC News

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Canada’s long-awaited Indo-Pacific strategy describes China as “an increasingly disruptive global power” on the world stage — a social and economic force that’s too big to ignore but is also increasingly focused on bending international rules to suit its own interests.

Using some surprisingly blunt language, the strategy says the Canadian government needs to be “clear-eyed” about China’s objectives in the Far East and elsewhere. It promises to spend almost half a billion dollars over five years on improving military and intelligence co-operation with allies in the region.

“China’s rise, enabled by the same international rules and norms that it now increasingly disregards, has had an enormous impact on the Indo-Pacific, and it has ambitions to become the leading power in the region,” says the 26-page document, which was provided to the media in advance of its formal release in Vancouver on Sunday.

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“China is making large-scale investments to establish its economic influence, diplomatic impact, offensive military capabilities and advanced technologies. China is looking to shape the international order into a more permissive environment for interests and values that increasingly depart from ours.”

The strategy document also says that “China’s sheer size and influence makes co-operation necessary to address some of the world’s existential pressures, such as climate change and biodiversity loss, global health and nuclear proliferation.”

In that respect, Canada’s foreign policy blueprint mirrors the approaches taken by its closest allies, including the United States, which last February released its own vision for engagement in the region.

WATCH | Foreign affairs minister discusses new Indo-Pacific strategy: 

‘Ambitious’ Indo-Pacific plan aims to increase diplomatic and military presence, foreign affairs minister says

11 hours ago

Duration 9:05

Foreign Affairs Minister Mélanie Joly speaks with Rosemary Barton Live about the federal government’s plan for the Indo-Pacific region. She says the plan, which is set for a decade, aims to increase Canada’s diplomatic and military presence.

Where the American and Canadian strategies differ is in how Canada’s document spells out that it will “at all times unapologetically defend our national interest” and that its views will be “shaped by a realistic and clear-eyed assessment of today’s China.”

Many observers — including some prominent Liberals — have urged the government over the past few years to maintain the pro-business and investment relationship with Beijing that has built up over the last two decades.

The new strategy document, however, appears to reflect the lessons of the bruising international clashes that have driven relations between Canada and China into the deep freeze: the arrest and extradition fight involving Chinese telecom executive Meng Wanzhou; China’s retaliatory detention of Canadians Michael Spavor and Michael Kovrig; and even the lecture Chinese President Xi Jinping recently delivered to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau — an event caught on camera.

“In areas of profound disagreement, we will challenge China, including when it engages in coercive behaviour — economic or otherwise — ignores human rights obligations or undermines our national security interests and those of partners in the region,” the strategy document says.

In an interview airing Sunday on CBC’s Rosemary Barton Live, Foreign Affairs Minister Mélanie Joly described the overall plan as “pragmatic” and principled.

“Our approach is clear, you know, and we have a clear framework which is essentially about protecting our national interests without compromising our values and principles,” Joly said.

“So what I’ve said many times at this point is we will challenge when we ought to and we will co-operate when we must.”

Foreign investment, foreign interference

Overall, the strategy envisions about $2 billion in investments to, among other things, strengthen Canadian “infrastructure, democracy and Canadian citizens against foreign interference.”

It proposes changes to the Investment Canada Act to prevent state-owned enterprises and other foreign entities that threaten Canada’s national security from taking over critical Canadian industries and intellectual property. All federal departments are being told to review Memorandums of Understanding (MOUs) with China and other countries to ensure Canada’s national interests are being protected.

The strategy upholds Canada’s One-China policy when it comes to Taiwan. The island — a democracy — faces increasing threats from Beijing, which has not ruled out the use of military force in its drive to unify Taiwan with the mainland.

“Canada will oppose unilateral actions that threaten the status quo in the Taiwan Strait,” the strategy says. On Sunday, Defence Minister Anita Anand skirted questions about Canada’s willingness to defend Taiwan, as well as whether the government was concerned about a backlash from China due to Canada’s increased presence.

“We will ensure that the region remains one that is stable and will continue to grow economically,” she said.

The Ground Force of the Eastern Theatre Command of China's People's Liberation Army conducts a long-range live-fire drill into the Taiwan Strait, from an undisclosed location in this photo provided by the army on August 4, 2022.
The Eastern Theatre Command of China’s People’s Liberation Army conducts a long-range live-fire drill into the Taiwan Strait from an undisclosed location, in this handout photo released on Aug. 4. (People’s Liberation Army handout/Reuters)

Also on Sunday, Joly drew a direct line between Canada’s involvement in the Pacific and another major focus of its foreign policy: the Arctic. She said closer ties with South Korea and Japan would support Canada’s goal of maintaining sovereignty in the region, in light of increased interest from countries like China.

“More Canadian men and women will be in the region to ensure peace and also uphold the rule of law,” she said.

The strategy document has been years in the making and was eagerly anticipated by Canada’s allies in the region, including Japan and South Korea, which have been lobbying for deeper co-operation. It also contains a section on India, which includes a commitment to work toward a new trade agreement.

The Liberal government promised when first elected in 2015 to develop a new approach to China after years of prickly relations under the former Conservative administration.

But Canada has struggled to figure out how to engage with an increasingly assertive — sometimes belligerent — China and its supreme leader Xi, who has openly rejected elements of Western-style governance, such as the separation of powers.

The Liberals signalled a plan to increase Canada’s military commitment to the region during the prime minister’s recent overseas trip to the G20 Summit.

HMCS Winnipeg, HNLMS Evertsen and RFA Tidespring are shown in formation on Sept. 9, 2021, during Exercise Pacific Crown. In the course of the exercise, Canada and the United States each sent a warship through the Taiwan Strait. (UK MOD Crown)

That commitment is outlined in broad strokes in the strategy document through promises to boost engagement in international military exercises and to increase the number of Canadian warships deployed in the region.

There’s also a pledge to help smaller countries in the region build up their security forces, presumably with the help of Canadian training. That pledge is similar to the promise the Liberal government made in 2017 to help increase the training and quality of United Nations peacekeepers — a promise that has gone unfulfilled.

The strategy says the military commitments being made are tied to the ongoing review of Canada’s defence policy, ordered in the aftermath of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February. That review has yet to be made public.

The defence and security promises in the Indo-Pacific Strategy are being made at a time when the Canadian military is short 10,000 members and is struggling to recruit new ones.

Joly said the government will make the strategy work and will be “putting money where our mouth is.”

Earlier this month, China’s embassy in Canada responded to a speech made by Joly that previewed the new strategy, saying it “contained a lot of negative contents related to China that distorted the truth, exaggerated the so-called ‘China threat’ and discredited China’s image, which constituted a gross interference in China’s internal affairs. China is deeply concerned about this and firmly opposes it.”

The strategy was welcomed by the U.S. ambassador to Canada, David Cohen, in a statement Sunday.

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Canadian military would be ‘challenged’ to launch a large scale operation: chief of the defence staff

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OTTAWA –

Canada’s military forces are “ready” to meet their commitments should Russia’s war in Ukraine spread to NATO countries, but it would be a “challenge” to launch a larger scale operation in the long term, with ongoing personnel and equipment shortages, according to Chief of the Defence Staff Gen. Wayne Eyre.

Eyre told Joyce Napier on CTV’s Question Period in an interview airing Sunday that while the forces in Europe are “ready for the tactical mission they’ve been assigned,” he has larger concerns about strategic readiness. He said there’s a lack of people and equipment, and further concern around the ability to sustain a larger scale mission in the longer term.

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The Canadian Armed Forces are still struggling to retain staff, with nearly 10,000 fewer trained personnel than they’d need to be at full force, and equipment stocks below what they require.

“We’ve got challenges in all of those,” Eyre said, adding the numbers reflect what’s been “let slip over decades, as we’ve focused on the more immediate (needs).”

Eyre said Canada’s military would be “hard pressed” to launch another large-scale operation like it had in Afghanistan, as an example, without having to redistribute its resources around the globe, as threats evolve.

“The military that we have now is going to be increasingly called upon to support Canada and to support Canadian interests, to support our allies overseas, but as well at home,” Eyre said, citing Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, climate change impacting the landscape in the Arctic, and an increase in digital and cybersecurity threats.

“It’s always a case of prioritization and balancing our deployments around the globe, not just with what, but when, and with who … and getting that balance right is something that that we’re working on,” he said. “Could we use more? Yeah, absolutely. But we operate with what we have.”

“We prioritize and balance based on what our allies need, and what the demand signals, just to make sure that we achieve the strategic effect the government wants us to achieve,” he also said.

Meanwhile Defence Minister Anita Anand said on CTV’s Question Period last week that Canada should “be able to walk and chew gum at the same time,” and balance its NATO commitments with securing the Arctic and promoting peace in the Indo-Pacific.

Eyre said his number one priority is getting Canada’s armed forces up to full strength, with an attrition rate of 9.3 per cent between both regular and reserve forces, up from 6.9 per cent last year. The Canadian Armed Forces Retention Strategy was released just last month.

“We are facing the same challenge that every other industry out there is facing in terms of a really tight labor market,” Eyre said. “Every other military in the West is facing the same challenge.”

He explained the organization is working on streamlining its recruitment process, among other changes, to meet the increasing need, with the goal to get numbers up “as quickly as possible.”

“Ideally, would have been yesterday,” he said. “We’re looking at where we can accelerate the recruiting, the training, and optimizing our training pipeline.”

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