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In a new book, John Milloy discusses how Catholicism has become toxic in Canadian politics and how the faithful can re-engage with a pluralistic society.
How has the rich faith of denominations like Catholicism been boiled down to abortion and a handful of other issues mainly related to sexuality?
In a new book, John Milloy discusses how Catholicism has become toxic in Canadian politics and how the faithful can re-engage with a pluralistic society.
“Do you believe that being gay is a sin?”
That question, posed by a reporter to Conservative Leader Andrew Scheer just after the 2019 federal election, marked a low point in Canadian political discourse.
“This is what it’s come to,” I thought. Religion, in this case Scheer’s Catholicism, has been reduced to a silly “gotcha” question based on bad theology. Religious faith, something that helps form the identity of millions of Canadians and has a rich history of social justice advocacy, is now a punchline in Canadian politics.
That we have reached a nadir in the religion-politics debate is not surprising. Growing suspicion of the role of faith in Canadian political life has been brewing for some time and came to a head during the 2019 federal election. Scheer is a devout Catholic who appeared to identify with the more conservative elements of the church. Questioning him about his beliefs on issues like abortion and same-sex marriage became an entertaining pastime for both the press and his political adversaries. After the “being gay is a sin” incident, another journalist even tried to rub salt in the wound by asking other party leaders the same question (they all quickly answered in the negative).
It was an easy story to tell. According to Scheer’s critics, Catholicism is all about undermining a woman’s right to choose, with a bit of homophobia thrown in for good measure. Unless Scheer was prepared to distance himself from his faith, he obviously had a secret agenda to foist upon an unsuspecting nation. The idea that his religion could offer anything else to the conversation seemed to have crossed few people’s minds.
Overall, most voters would probably like to forget the 2019 election. Marred by personal attacks, scandals and a lack of policy focus, it was not surprising that the result was a minority government. Since then, the COVID-19 pandemic has made memories of the campaign fade into the background as we struggled to survive the ravages of the virus and resulting lockdown.
As Canada prepares itself for another federal election, the question of faith and politics is certain to raise its head once again. Its almost exclusive association with abortion and, to a lesser extent, LGBTQ rights, makes someone’s faith an easy target. The Conservative party will undoubtedly feel the brunt of this type of attack for several reasons. Not only do the ranks of its general membership contain a significant number of religiously inspired activists focused on issues related to abortion and sexuality, but its parliamentary caucus contains a number of MPs with strong faith convictions who are unafraid to speak out.
Despite efforts by the party’s new leader, Erin O’Toole, to take a strong pro-choice position and sideline some of the more extreme voices in his ranks, his opponents have never let up in their criticism of social conservatives in his party. It will only get worse as the campaign continues. The war rooms of the opposing parties will spend hours systematically reviewing every single candidate, particularly Roman Catholic or Evangelical ones. Any evidence of a deviation from an absolute pro-choice position or non-mainstream views on other contentious issues will certainly be used to paint the party as “anti-choice,” homophobic and harbouring a secret agenda.
How did religious faith, particularly the Catholic faith, which has been such a source of strength and comfort to so many Canadians, assume such a negative connotation? Why is anyone associated with public life encouraged to keep a major part of their identity separate from their public work? Why has the wisdom of Canada’s faith communities been prevented from even being discussed in the public square? How has the rich faith of denominations like Catholicism been boiled down to abortion and a handful of other issues mainly related to sexuality?
There are many explanations.
Religious literacy in our society is not particularly high. Although millions of Canadians either practise a religion or are open to faith and spirituality, this doesn’t necessarily translate into a detailed understanding of the teachings of many mainline denominations and their history of progressive activism.
Popular media doesn’t help. The idea that the teachings of the Catholic Church are exclusively focused on abortion and sexuality is a convenient narrative that sells itself.
Meanwhile, the good work of numerous Catholics and other people of faith in supporting the poor and marginalized, fighting injustice and caring for our planet receives little attention. Individually, through their faith community or larger faith-based organizations, scores of Canadians are living out their religious calling in concrete ways — welcoming refugees, helping at homeless shelters, supporting seniors, forming partnerships with Indigenous neighbours and the list goes on. Yet little of it gets noticed. This is partly due to the low profile of much of this work, but it is also because it tends not to fit the popular narrative that our church is filled with zealots obsessed with abortion and sex.
Our church leaders need to shoulder some of the blame. The Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops, once an important voice in Canada’s social justice movement, has been increasingly quiet on a whole range of social justice issues over the past few decades. When they have spoken up, it tends to be about life issues and those related to sexuality.
Admittedly, this has not been a good period for the Catholic Church. A series of sexual abuse scandals have rocked the church nationally and internationally. Most recently, horrific news about the discovery of the remains of hundreds of children in the grounds of former residential schools run by the Catholic Church has sent shock waves through the nation. The inability of Church leaders to provide an adequate response to the tragedy and their apparent hesitancy to invite Pope Francis to make an apology on Canadian soil (one of the calls to action of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission) has fuelled an outrage that continues to grow.
The last several years have also seen the growth of identity politics in Canada, which many believe is antithetical to religious faith. Many Canadians approach the public square seeing themselves as part of larger group based on their race, gender, sexual orientation or other common identifying factor. They see the dominant culture, through its institutions, systems and structures, as a source of oppression and advocate for the dismantling of the status quo and its replacement with a society that is more just.
Although Catholic teaching recognizes systemic oppression and calls on all of us to dismantle sinful structures, many paint Catholicism as part of the problem. They argue that organized religion is a source of oppression, particularly toward women and the LGBTQ communities, and it should have no voice in public policy debates.
All these fears have become symbolized in a few key issues, with abortion usually front and centre. For many, a woman’s right to choose symbolizes what is right with society. It represents a long-fought fight to allow women control of both their own bodies as well as their own futures. They believe it to be non-negotiable. The Catholic Church’s unwavering opposition to abortion has come to symbolize everything that is wrong with mixing faith and politics in Canada.
In short, the Catholic Church, along with several other religious denominations, is not getting along well with society.
For the Catholic Church, there is nothing particularly new about this situation. Tensions between Catholicism and modernity go back thousands of years. Some might point out that the church is a heck of a lot older than any of Canada’s mainline political parties and will undoubtedly outlast them.
Despite this historical reality, there is nothing preordained about our current situation. Vatican II, that great gathering of church leaders in the early 1960s charged with modernizing Catholicism, focused on how a reinvigorated church could engage with the outside world. What emerged, in the words of the American Catholic theologian and legal scholar Cathleen Kaveny, was a “culture of openness.” As Kaveny explains: “Rather than emphasizing what sets the church apart from the broader culture, the culture of openness stresses commonalities.” Such an approach would help usher in a period of co-operation between Catholicism and the outside world, particularly in matters of social justice, that would transcend “religious, cultural and national boundaries.”
Despite this initial optimism, this “culture of openness” began to wane in North America, particularly as society’s values in a whole range of areas, including abortion, began to diverge from the church’s teachings. The election of Pope John Paul II brought a sea change in the church’s approach to modernity. As Kaveny points out, “Pope John Paul II urged the church to defend a ‘culture of life’ against a secularized Western ‘culture of death’ that denied the existence of absolute truth and devalued the vulnerable.”
Kaveny believes there is a better approach. In her work she calls for a culture of engagement between Catholicism and modern culture. A world where faith and our broader society can discuss, discern and learn from each other. A world where the spirit of Vatican II once again emerges, and Catholics make common cause with other elements of our society to address some of our most troubling challenges.
Pope Francis has embraced this spirit. His 2020 encyclical, Fratelli Tutti, is about the value of engagement and dialogue between Catholics and the wider world, even those with whom we profoundly disagree.
When it comes to contemporary Canadian politics, is something like a culture of engagement between Catholics and the rest of society possible? Can Catholics find ways to engage in meaningful dialogue with other parts of society? Without abandoning basic Catholic principles, can we learn from each other and change for the better? Can we come together to address the pressing problems of a country struggling with a global pandemic, suffering the dire effects of climate change and facing a host of other existential crises?
My answer to these questions is a resounding “yes!” In my opinion, Catholicism has much to offer our troubled nation that goes beyond sterile debates over hot-button issues. Canadian Catholics, collectively and individually, need to capture the spirit of Vatican II and work with other people of goodwill, religious or not, to transform Canada for the better.
What I see happening in our country scares me. Our nation is in a crisis triggered by the pandemic. Yet Catholics remain on the sidelines, incapable of engaging with a pluralistic society in a way that builds bridges. We seem to have lost the larger message of our faith. It calls for sacrifice, love for our enemy and a whole host of beliefs that challenge our world. It also calls on us to re-imagine our society in a way that puts the poor and the vulnerable on top. Although these may be counter-cultural messages, they have the potential to resonate loudly in a society that is struggling. If only Catholics and non-Catholics alike could realize that it is not just about abortion.
Excerpted with permission from “Faith and Politics in a Polarized World: A Challenge for Catholics,” by John Milloy (Novalis 2021).
HALIFAX – Nova Scotia Premier Tim Houston says it’s “disgraceful and demeaning” that a Halifax-area school would request that service members not wear military uniforms to its Remembrance Day ceremony.
Houston’s comments were part of a chorus of criticism levelled at the school — Sackville Heights Elementary — whose administration decided to back away from the plan after the outcry.
A November newsletter from the school in Middle Sackville, N.S., invited Armed Forces members to attend its ceremony but asked that all attendees arrive in civilian attire to “maintain a welcoming environment for all.”
Houston, who is currently running for re-election, accused the school’s leaders of “disgracing themselves while demeaning the people who protect our country” in a post on the social media platform X Thursday night.
“If the people behind this decision had a shred of the courage that our veterans have, this cowardly and insulting idea would have been rejected immediately,” Houston’s post read. There were also several calls for resignations within the school’s administration attached to Houston’s post.
In an email to families Thursday night, the school’s principal, Rachael Webster, apologized and welcomed military family members to attend “in the attire that makes them most comfortable.”
“I recognize this request has caused harm and I am deeply sorry,” Webster’s email read, adding later that the school has the “utmost respect for what the uniform represents.”
Webster said the initial request was out of concern for some students who come from countries experiencing conflict and who she said expressed discomfort with images of war, including military uniforms.
Her email said any students who have concerns about seeing Armed Forces members in uniform can be accommodated in a way that makes them feel safe, but she provided no further details in the message.
Webster did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
At a news conference Friday, Houston said he’s glad the initial request was reversed but said he is still concerned.
“I can’t actually fathom how a decision like that was made,” Houston told reporters Friday, adding that he grew up moving between military bases around the country while his father was in the Armed Forces.
“My story of growing up in a military family is not unique in our province. The tradition of service is something so many of us share,” he said.
“Saying ‘lest we forget’ is a solemn promise to the fallen. It’s our commitment to those that continue to serve and our commitment that we will pass on our respects to the next generation.”
Liberal Leader Zach Churchill also said he’s happy with the school’s decision to allow uniformed Armed Forces members to attend the ceremony, but he said he didn’t think it was fair to question the intentions of those behind the original decision.
“We need to have them (uniforms) on display at Remembrance Day,” he said. “Not only are we celebrating (veterans) … we’re also commemorating our dead who gave the greatest sacrifice for our country and for the freedoms we have.”
NDP Leader Claudia Chender said that while Remembrance Day is an important occasion to honour veterans and current service members’ sacrifices, she said she hopes Houston wasn’t taking advantage of the decision to “play politics with this solemn occasion for his own political gain.”
“I hope Tim Houston reached out to the principal of the school before making a public statement,” she said in a statement.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 8, 2024.
The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.
REGINA – Saskatchewan Opposition NDP Leader Carla Beck says she wants to prove to residents her party is the government in waiting as she heads into the incoming legislative session.
Beck held her first caucus meeting with 27 members, nearly double than what she had before the Oct. 28 election but short of the 31 required to form a majority in the 61-seat legislature.
She says her priorities will be health care and cost-of-living issues.
Beck says people need affordability help right now and will press Premier Scott Moe’s Saskatchewan Party government to cut the gas tax and the provincial sales tax on children’s clothing and some grocery items.
Beck’s NDP is Saskatchewan’s largest Opposition in nearly two decades after sweeping Regina and winning all but one seat in Saskatoon.
The Saskatchewan Party won 34 seats, retaining its hold on all of the rural ridings and smaller cities.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 8, 2024.
The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.
HALIFAX – Nova Scotia‘s growing population was the subject of debate on Day 12 of the provincial election campaign, with Liberal Leader Zach Churchill arguing immigration levels must be reduced until the province can provide enough housing and health-care services.
Churchill said Thursday a plan by the incumbent Progressive Conservatives to double the province’s population to two million people by the year 2060 is unrealistic and unsustainable.
“That’s a big leap and it’s making life harder for people who live here, (including ) young people looking for a place to live and seniors looking to downsize,” he told a news conference at his campaign headquarters in Halifax.
Anticipating that his call for less immigration might provoke protests from the immigrant community, Churchill was careful to note that he is among the third generation of a family that moved to Nova Scotia from Lebanon.
“I know the value of immigration, the importance of it to our province. We have been built on the backs of an immigrant population. But we just need to do it in a responsible way.”
The Liberal leader said Tim Houston’s Tories, who are seeking a second term in office, have made a mistake by exceeding immigration targets set by the province’s Department of Labour and Immigration. Churchill said a Liberal government would abide by the department’s targets.
In the most recent fiscal year, the government welcomed almost 12,000 immigrants through its nominee program, exceeding the department’s limit by more than 4,000, he said. The numbers aren’t huge, but the increase won’t help ease the province’s shortages in housing and doctors, and the increased strain on its infrastructure, including roads, schools and cellphone networks, Churchill said.
“(The Immigration Department) has done the hard work on this,” he said. “They know where the labour gaps are, and they know what growth is sustainable.”
In response, Houston said his commitment to double the population was a “stretch goal.” And he said the province had long struggled with a declining population before that trend was recently reversed.
“The only immigration that can come into this province at this time is if they are a skilled trade worker or a health-care worker,” Houston said. “The population has grown by two per cent a year, actually quite similar growth to what we experienced under the Liberal government before us.”
Still, Houston said he’s heard Nova Scotians’ concerns about population growth, and he then pivoted to criticize Prime Minister Justin Trudeau for trying to send 6,000 asylum seekers to Nova Scotia, an assertion the federal government has denied.
Churchill said Houston’s claim about asylum seekers was shameful.
“It’s smoke and mirrors,” the Liberal leader said. “He is overshooting his own department’s numbers for sustainable population growth and yet he is trying to blame this on asylum seekers … who aren’t even here.”
In September, federal Immigration Minister Marc Miller said there is no plan to send any asylum seekers to the province without compensation or the consent of the premier. He said the 6,000 number was an “aspirational” figure based on models that reflect each province’s population.
In Halifax, NDP Leader Claudia Chender said it’s clear Nova Scotia needs more doctors, nurses and skilled trades people.
“Immigration has been and always will be a part of the Nova Scotia story, but we need to build as we grow,” Chender said. “This is why we have been pushing the Houston government to build more affordable housing.”
Chender was in a Halifax cafe on Thursday when she promised her party would remove the province’s portion of the harmonized sales tax from all grocery, cellphone and internet bills if elected to govern on Nov. 26. The tax would also be removed from the sale and installation of heat pumps.
“Our focus is on helping people to afford their lives,” Chender told reporters. “We know there are certain things that you can’t live without: food, internet and a phone …. So we know this will have the single biggest impact.”
The party estimates the measure would save the average Nova Scotia family about $1,300 a year.
“That’s a lot more than a one or two per cent HST cut,” Chender said, referring to the Progressive Conservative pledge to reduce the tax by one percentage point and the Liberal promise to trim it by two percentage points.
Elsewhere on the campaign trail, Houston announced that a Progressive Conservative government would make parking free at all Nova Scotia hospitals and health-care centres. The promise was also made by the Liberals in their election platform released Monday.
“Free parking may not seem like a big deal to some, but … the parking, especially for people working at the facilities, can add up to hundreds of dollars,” the premier told a news conference at his campaign headquarters in Halifax.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 7, 2024.
— With files from Keith Doucette in Halifax
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