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Minnesota’s political geography: Republicans keep getting close but Democrats have urban and suburban strength

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Image: Illustrated map of Minnesota.

Sixth in a series on swing states

For Republicans, Minnesota has long been the one that got away. Ronald Reagan came 3,761 votes away from carrying it in 1984, with Walter Mondale’s hometown advantage probably costing him a 50-state sweep. Sixteen years later, with Ralph Nader peeling votes away from Al Gore, George W. Bush came within three points of winning the state.

Republicans didn’t get so close again until 2016, when Donald Trump lost Minnesota by 44,593 votes. And it has rankled Trump ever since. “We came this close from winning this,” Trump said during a 2018 visit to Duluth, a frustrated take he’d deliver again and again, arguing that a little more campaigning would have flipped the state. “One more speech — oh, one more speech.”

Trump’s party has acted on that analysis, investing the same sort of ground game and ad resources in Minnesota that it has in places like Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin. That’s a shift from 2016, when both parties were surprised by what Trump’s ad hoc effort almost pulled off. But Democrats have engaged more seriously, too, coaxing Joe Biden into a visit this week, when early voting begins.


Minn.’s swing from 2012 to 2016

Clinton added votes in the Twin Cities, enough to stave off Trump’s gains everywhere else.

Dem. won by

200K votes

GOP won

by 200K

Twin Cities

Iron Range

Twin Suburbs

Greater Minn.

Statewide 2016 margin

In 2018, Democrats improved enough in the Iron Range and the Twin Burbs that a GOP win was impossible.

How Minnesota swung from 2012 to 2016

Clinton added votes in the Twin Cities, enough to stave off Trump’s gains in the rest of the state.

Dem. won by

200K votes

GOP won

by 200K

Twin Cities

Iron Range

2016

margin

Twin Suburbs

Greater Minn.

Statewide 2016 margin

In 2018, Democrats improved enough in the Iron Range and the Twin Burbs that a GOP win was impossible.

How Minnesota swung from 2012 to 2016

Clinton added votes in the Twin Cities, enough to stave off Trump’s gains in the rest of the state.

Dem. won by

200K votes

GOP won

by 200K

Twin Cities

Iron Range

2016

margin

2012

margin

Twin Suburbs

Greater Minn.

Statewide 2016 margin

In 2018, Democrats improved enough in the Iron Range and the Twin Burbs that a GOP win was impossible.

No poll has found Trump ahead in Minnesota, but polling underestimated his 2016 support, and Republicans contend he has held or gained ground since then. As in the rest of the Midwest, Trump struggled in cities but won vast numbers of rural White voters — and in Minnesota, that cut right through the coalition that had elected Democrats for decades. Rural towns that had elected only Democratic mayors or legislators swung to Trump, and even though Democrats swept 2018’s statewide races, some of those voters stayed swung.

“The Democrats have left them behind,” said Jennifer Carnahan, the chair of Minnesota’s GOP. “They call themselves the Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party, but they’ve completely lost the farmers and members of labor unions. They’re against mining. They’re against job creation. They’re against a pipeline up in northeastern Minnesota on the Iron Range. They don’t stand with those folks anymore.”

Democrats have lost ground with some of their traditional Minnesota voters, but the 2018 election revealed the limits of the GOP’s gains. Trump had won just 45 percent of the vote in 2016 and got close to Clinton in part because 9 percent of voters backed a third-party candidate. (Just two other states saw a higher percentage of third-party votes, Alaska and New Mexico.) In 2018, no Republican running statewide got more than 45 percent of the vote, and Democrats improved their numbers in the Iron Range and Southeast Minnesota, carrying outer suburbs of the Twin Cities at levels that made a Republican win impossible.

This map divides Minnesota into five political “states.” Just one, the Twin Cities, got more Democratic in 2016. Another, the suburbs and exurbs of those cities, changed little between 2012 and 2016 but swung left in 2018. Two regions flipped from Barack Obama in 2012 to Trump in 2016 — the counties from the Iron Range over to Duluth and Lake Superior, and a corner of Southeast Minnesota. And the rest of the state, the Greater Minnesota that stretches from Iowa to Canada, moved dramatically toward the GOP.

This is the sixth in a series breaking down the key swing states of 2020, showing how electoral trends played out over the past few years and where the shift in votes really mattered.

Twin Cities

Compared with the state overall, the voting population here …

  • Has a higher share of people living in cities than average.
  • Has more non-White residents than average.
  • Has more college-educated residents than average.

Image: (Lauren Tierney/The Washington Post)

Image: Illustrated map of Minnesota.

Minneapolis saved Hillary Clinton’s campaign in Minnesota. The biggest and bluest city in the state, it had been getting more Democratic for years, but Keith Ellison — then the city’s congressman, now the state’s attorney general — put special emphasis on turning out the vote. The result, a 148,892-vote landslide in Minneapolis, was the biggest for any Democratic candidate ever, and it put Clinton over the top statewide.

Minneapolis and St. Paul now make up the core of the Democratic vote, and their surrounding counties, Hennepin and Ramsey, pad the total. Clinton carried every town in Ramsey and flipped several Hennepin towns that Obama had lost; two years later, places like Eden Prairie were crucial to the successful Democratic effort to flip the House. When the Democratic-Farmer-Labor (DFL) Party went all-in this year to support Rep. Ilhan Omar in her August primary, it was explicitly because of her ability to drive turnout in the city.

2016 vote total

Donald Trump

262,771

Hillary Clinton

606,881

2016 vote totals
  • Donald Trump: 262,771
  • Hillary Clinton: 606,881

Counties included: Hennepin, Ramsey

Twin Burbs

Compared with the state overall, the voting population here …

  • Has a higher share of people living in cities than average.
  • Has fewer non-White residents than average.
  • Has more college-educated residents than average.

Image: (Lauren Tierney/The Washington Post)

Image: Illustrated map of Minnesota.

The exurbs of Minneapolis and St. Paul did not see the same vote shifts as the rest of the state. From 2012 to 2016, the GOP margin in the region rose by just 5,415 votes, and a lot of that had to do with the vote for third-party candidates — that number grew by 47,880, as the raw Republican vote fell by 16,926. Minnesota was one of 11 states where independent conservative Evan McMullin made the ballot that year, and he got 2 percent of the vote here while the Libertarian candidate cleared 4 percent. Republicans view those voters as gettable for Trump. Democrats aren’t convinced.

“These have been Republican areas for years, but they’ve trended Democratic in recent cycles,” DFL chair Ken Martin said. “You’ve got Fortune 500 executives, in wealthy neighborhoods, who are not comfortable with Trump.”

Democrats, who are trying to flip the GOP-controlled state senate this cycle, are hoping to build on some of their exurban gains from the midterms. Democratic Gov. Tim Walz carried three of the region’s five counties; Sen. Amy Klobuchar, whose appeal to Republicans was central to her presidential campaign, carried them all. With Klobuchar’s endorsement, Biden demolished the competition here in the 2020 primary, which Democrats saw as a clue that he could win some Republicans who’ve grown uncomfortable with the party in the Trump era.

2016 vote total

Donald Trump

326,644

Hillary Clinton

303,094

2016 vote totals
  • Donald Trump: 326,644
  • Hillary Clinton: 303,094

Counties included: Anoka, Carver, Dakota, Scott, Washington

Iron Range

Compared with the state overall, the voting population here …

  • Has a lower share of people living in cities than average.
  • Has fewer non-White residents than average.
  • Has fewer college-educated residents than average.

Image: (Lauren Tierney/The Washington Post)

Image: Illustrated map of Minnesota.

For decades, the small mining towns of northeastern Minnesota were strongholds of unionized, Democratic votes — vastly outvoted by the Twin Cities but crucial for the party’s statewide win margin and usually represented by the party in Congress. That began to change in 2010, and the floor fell out in 2016, when Trump swept the Iron Range. Republicans picked up the region’s House seat in 2018, and polling has found Biden, who has embraced more rigorous environmental standards than he did when he ran for vice president, losing the Iron Range even when he leads statewide.

There may be more votes for Republicans to pick up here, even in the counties east of the range that stayed blue in 2016. Duluth, which casts almost a quarter of the region’s total vote, broke for the Democratic ticket by 37 points in 2012, then by just 29 points in 2016. The falloff for Democrats in smaller cities was dramatic, and the Republican National Convention highlighted a number of Minnesotans who advanced the party’s case: The pro-green-energy, pro-abortion-rights, pro-gun-control version of the Democratic Party didn’t represent northeastern Minnesota.

2016 vote total

Donald Trump

101,186

Hillary Clinton

96,679

2016 vote totals
  • Donald Trump: 101,186
  • Hillary Clinton: 96,679

Counties included: Aitkin, Carlton, Cook, Crow Wing, Itasca, Koochiching, Lake, St. Louis

Southeast

Compared with the state overall, the voting population here …

  • Has a lower share of people living in cities than average.
  • Has fewer non-White residents than average.
  • Has fewer college-educated residents than average.

Image: (Lauren Tierney/The Washington Post)

Image: Illustrated map of Minnesota.

The “driftless area” that covers parts of Iowa, Wisconsin and Minnesota swung hard toward Republicans in 2016. Unlike other rural areas, Democrats in 2018 were able to win much of it back; in Minnesota that was thanks, in part, to gubernatorial candidate Tim Walz winning the 1st Congressional District, which covers the region. Republican Rep. Jim Hagedorn flipped that district by one point, but Trump had won it by 15.

What changed? Clinton lost eight counties that had backed Obama twice and won only around the city of Rochester, where the Mayo Clinic has fostered a population of college-educated White voters. The midterm’s Democrats won many of those people back, as voters in the suburbs of cities like Mankato and Winona broke against Republicans. One reason for their resilience: The region has welcomed thousands of refugees, for decades, and the population of some smaller cities here has been growing as more rural parts of the state have shrunk.

2016 vote total

Donald Trump

199,140

Hillary Clinton

148,412

2016 vote totals
  • Donald Trump: 199,140
  • Hillary Clinton: 148,412

Counties included: Blue Earth, Brown, Dodge, Faribault, Fillmore, Freeborn, Goodhue, Houston, Le Sueur, Martin, Mower, Nicollet, Olmsted, Rice, Sibley, Steele, Wabasha, Waseca, Watonwan, Winona

Greater Minnesota

Compared with the state overall, the voting population here …

  • Has a lower share of people living in cities than average.
  • Has fewer non-White residents than average.
  • Has fewer college-educated residents than average.

Image: (Lauren Tierney/The Washington Post)

Image: Illustrated map of Minnesota.

For a little while on election night 2016, some Democrats started to think that Minnesota was lost. Greater Minnesota, a largely rural region bigger than many states, was the reason. Even in 1984, Democrats had held on to towns like Benson and Red Lake, mitigating the GOP’s rural strength. Trump carried every single county in the region, transforming the party’s win margin of nearly 43,000 votes in 2012 to more than 208,000 votes in 2016.

The GOP’s gains in much of the region look secure now; Democrats have tried to drum up rural outrage over Trump’s tariff policies, while Republicans have touted the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement as proof that Trump will act where Democrats talked. (Rep. Collin C. Peterson, one of the GOP’s top targets this cycle, chairs the House Agriculture Committee and backed the trade deal after Democratic revisions.) Trump’s visit to Bemidji this week will take him to one of the places where the flip was especially dramatic — Obama beat Mitt Romney there by 1,079 votes, while Trump beat Clinton there by 119. Margins like that, from small towns to small cities, let Trump close the statewide vote gap — but not overcome it.

2016 vote total

Donald Trump

433,639

Hillary Clinton

212,468

2016 vote totals
  • Donald Trump: 433,639
  • Hillary Clinton: 212,468

Counties included: Becker, Beltrami, Benton, Big Stone, Cass, Chippewa, Chisago, Clay, Clearwater, Cottonwood, Douglas, Grant, Hubbard, Isanti, Jackson, Kanabec, Kandiyohi, Kittson, Lac qui Parle, Lake of the Woods, Lincoln, Lyon, Mahnomen, Marshall, McLeod, Meeker, Mille Lacs, Morrison, Murray, Nobles, Norman, Otter Tail, Pennington, Pine, Pipestone, Polk, Pope, Red Lake, Redwood, Renville, Rock, Roseau, Sherburne, Stearns, Stevens, Swift, Todd, Traverse, Wadena, Wilkin, Wright, Yellow Medicine

Source: – The Washington Post

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Bloc Québécois ready to extract gains for Quebec in exchange for supporting Liberals

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MONTEBELLO, Que. – The Bloc Québécois is ready to wheel and deal with Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s government in exchange for support during confidence votes now that the Liberal government’s confidence and supply agreement with the NDP has ended.

That support won’t come cheap, the Quebec-based Bloc said, and the sovereigntist party led by Yves-François Blanchet has already drawn up a list of demands.

In an interview ahead of the opening of Monday’s party caucus retreat in the Outaouais region, Bloc House Leader Alain Therrien said his party is happy to regain its balance of power.

“Our objectives remain the same, but the means to get there will be much easier,” Therrien said. “We will negotiate and seek gains for Quebec … our balance of power has improved, that’s for sure.”

He called the situation a “window of opportunity” now that the Liberals are truly a minority government after New Democratic Party Leader Jagmeet Singh tore up the confidence and supply deal between the two parties last week, leaving the Bloc with an opening.

While Pierre Poilievre’s Conservatives have promised multiple confidence votes in the hope of triggering a general election, the Bloc’s strategy is not to rush to the polls and instead use their new-found standing to make what they consider to be gains for Quebec.

A Bloc strategist who was granted anonymity by The Canadian Press because he was not authorized to speak publicly stated bluntly that the NDP had officially handed the balance of power back to the Bloc. The Bloc is taking for granted that when a federal election is held in about a year or less, it will be a majority Conservative government led by Poilievre, whose party has surged in the polls for over a year and has been ahead in the rest of Canada for over a year.

Quebec won’t factor so much in that win, the source added, where the Bloc will be hoping to grab seats from the Liberals and where the Conservatives hope to gain from the Bloc.

“It’s going to happen with or without Quebec,” the source said. “They (the Conservatives) are 20 points ahead everywhere in Canada, with the exception of Quebec, and that won’t change … their (Conservative) vote is firm.”

It is not surprising that the Bloc sees excellent news in the tearing up of the agreement that allowed the Liberals to govern without listening to their demands, said University of Ottawa political scientist Geneviève Tellier.

“The Bloc only has influence if the government, no matter which one, is a minority,” she explained. “In the case of a majority government, the Bloc’s relevance becomes more difficult to justify because, like the other parties, it can oppose, it can hold the government to account, but it cannot influence the government’s policies.”

On the Bloc’s priority list is gaining royal recommendation for Bill C-319, which aims to bring pensions for seniors aged 65 to 74 to the same level as that paid to those aged 75 and over.

A bill with budgetary implications that comes from a member of Parliament, as is the case here, must necessarily obtain royal recommendation before third reading, failing which the rules provide that the Speaker of the House will end the proceedings and rule it inadmissible.

The Bloc also wants Quebec to obtain more powers in immigration matters, particularly in the area of ​​temporary foreign workers, and recoup money it says is owed to the province.

The demands concerning seniors’ pensions and immigration powers are “easy, feasible and clear,” Therrien said.

“It’s clear that it will be on the table. I can tell you: I’m the one who will negotiate,” he added.

The Bloc also wants to see cuts to money for oil companies, more health-care funds for provinces as demanded by premiers and stemming or eliminating Ottawa’s encroachment of provincial jurisdictions.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 8, 2024.

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N.B. Liberals officially launch election bid before official start of fall campaign

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FREDERICTON – New Brunswick‘s Liberals got a jump on the province’s coming fall election today with the official launch of their party’s campaign.

The kickoff, which took place in the Fredericton riding where Liberal Leader Susan Holt plans to run this time, came before the official start of the general election set for Oct. 21.

The Liberal platform contains promises to open at least 30 community care clinics over the next four years at a cost of $115.2 million, and roll out a $27.4 million-a-year program to offer free or low-cost food at all schools starting next September.

The governing Progressive Conservatives, led by BlaineHiggs, have so far pledged to lower the Harmonized Sales Tax from 15 per cent to 13 per cent if re-elected.

Political observers say the issues most affecting people in New Brunswick are affordability, health care, housing and education.

Recent polls suggest Higgs, whose leadership style has drawn critiques from within his caucus and whose policies on pronoun use in schools have stirred considerable controversy within the province, may face an uphill battle with voters this fall.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 8, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Trudeau to face fretful caucus ahead of return to the House

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OTTAWA – Prime Minister Justin Trudeau will face a fretful and strained caucus in British Columbia Monday, with MPs looking for him to finally reveal his plan to address the political purgatory the party has endured for months.

Several Liberal MPs privately and publicly demanded they meet as a team after the devastating byelection loss of a longtime political stronghold in Toronto last June, but the prime minister refused to convene his caucus before the fall.

Their political fortunes did not improve over the summer, and this week the Liberals took two more significant blows: the abrupt departure of the NDP from the political pact that prevented an early election, and the resignation of the Liberals’ national campaign director.

Now, with two more byelections looming on Sept. 16 and a general election sometime in the next year, several caucus members who are still not comfortable speaking publicly told The Canadian Press they’re anxiously awaiting a game plan from the prime minister and his advisers that will help them save their seats.

The Liberals have floundered in the polls for more than a year now as Pierre Poilievre’s Conservatives have capitalized on countrywide concerns about inflation, the cost of living and lack of available housing.

Though Trudeau hasn’t yet addressed all of his MPs en masse, he has spoken with them in groups throughout June and July and stopped in on several regional caucus meetings ahead of the Nanaimo retreat.

“We’re focused on delivering for Canadians,” Trudeau said at a Quebec Liberal caucus meeting Thursday.

He listed several programs in the works, including a national school food program and $10-a-day childcare, as well as national coverage for insulin and contraceptives, which the Liberals developed in partnership with the NDP.

“These are things that matter for Canadians,” he said, before he accused the NDP of focusing on politics while the Liberals are “focused on Canadians.”

Wayne Long, a Liberal MP representing a New Brunswick riding, says the problem is that Canadians appear to have tuned the prime minister out.

Long was the only Liberal member to publicly call for Trudeau’s resignation in the aftermath of the Toronto-St. Paul’s byelection loss, though several other MPs expressed the same sentiment privately at the time.

Long shared his views with the prime minister again at the Atlantic caucus retreat ahead of Monday’s meeting.

“I’m really worried the old ‘stay calm and carry on,’ which effectively is where we are, is not going to put us on a road to victory in the next election,” said Long, who does not plan to run again.

“If we’re going to mount a campaign that can beat Pierre Poilievre, in my opinion that campaign cannot be led by Justin Trudeau.”

Long fears a Trudeau campaign could lead to a Poilievre government that dismantles the prime minister’s nine-year legacy, piece by piece.

Long is one of several Liberal MPs who confirmed to The Canadian Press they do not plan to go the meeting in Nanaimo. But Mark Carney, the Bank of Canada governor whose name is routinely dropped around Ottawa as a possible successor to Trudeau as Liberal leader, will be in attendance.

He’s expected to address MPs about the economy and a plan for growth.

NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh’s decision to back out of the supply and confidence deal certainly complicates any calls for the prime minister to step aside and allow a new leader to face off against Pierre Poilievre in the next election, since that election could now come at any time.

“It makes a much more precarious situation, because Singh probably holds the keys to when that election could be,” said Andrew Perez, a longtime Liberal with Perez Strategies, who also called for Trudeau’s resignation earlier this summer.

“Maybe it presents an argument for the pro-Trudeau side to say that we need to stick with Trudeau, because there’s no time.”

But while some caucus members describe feeling frustrated by the political tribulation, Long insists that those who are running again aren’t yet feeling defeated.

Speaking about those in the Atlantic caucus, he said “to a person, they’re ready to fight. They’re they’re ready to go.”

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 8, 2024.

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