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Nasty politics returns to Spain – The Economist

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Editor’s note: The Economist is making some of its most important coverage of the covid-19 pandemic freely available to readers of The Economist Today, our daily newsletter. To receive it, register here. For our coronavirus tracker and more coverage, see our hub

BACK LAST summer Pedro Sánchez, Spain’s Socialist prime minister, said that if he agreed to a coalition government with Podemos, a far-left outfit, “I wouldn’t sleep at night.” After another indecisive election—the fourth in four years—he formed just such a coalition, which took office in January. Weeks later Spain was laid low by the novel coronavirus, and the novel minority coalition is struggling to cope, leaving the prime minister scrambling for broader support.

Mr Sánchez’s decision to impose a state of emergency and lockdown on March 14th, centralising command of health care and security in the national government, received widespread public and political backing. Five weeks on, the hospitals are no longer overflowing and the peak of the epidemic has passed, for now at least. The government is starting to think, gingerly, about how and when to get the country back to work (see article). But the toll has been heavy. By April 16th 18,812 people had died, according to official figures. The economy is in meltdown: 900,000 jobs were lost in March alone, some 3.5m workers are furloughed, and the IMF forecasts that Spain’s GDP will contract by 8% this year, the second-biggest fall in Europe after Italy.

The government must deal with all this with a slender stock of political capital. During the lockdown public opinion has been volatile. Approval for the government’s handling of the virus fell from 64% to 39% during March, according to Metroscopia, a pollster. Much of the opposition has broken ranks. Vox, a hard-right party with 52 of the 350 seats in Congress, wants a “national emergency government” of technocrats. Pablo Casado, the leader of the mainstream conservative People’s Party (PP), has accused Mr Sánchez of “arrogance, incompetence and lies”. This contrasts with the rallying round seen in many other European countries.

Mr Sánchez has responded by calling for a “pact for national reconstruction”, in theory involving the opposition, regional governments, businesses and unions. This is a conscious echo of the Moncloa Pacts of 1977, a set of agreements on economic measures between government and opposition which were a pillar of Spain’s transition from dictatorship to democracy. One poll found 92% in favour of another such pact—but 79% thought it improbable.

One explanation for the government’s difficulties is its own shortcomings, both technical and political. It bungled an announcement on March 28th that the lockdown would temporarily tighten, leaving many vital details initially uncertain. It is harder to co-ordinate such measures in a decentralised country with powerful regional governments. Even so, Mr Sánchez’s practice has been to pre-announce measures, and to consult only after their implementation. That has left businesses and some regional presidents fuming. “It’s a government that lacks not just experience but also deep knowledge of the state and how it works,” says a former senior official. “The sense of improvisation is very strong.”

Podemos and its leader, Pablo Iglesias, have added to the problems. Perhaps with some justification, he has seemed desperate to leave his ideological mark on government policy. At his instigation the government issued a decree making sackings during the pandemic unlawful, even as it has forced many businesses to suspend trading. Mr Iglesias’s hostility to the private sector and the monarchy (and the Moncloa Pacts) arouses widespread mistrust. The government finds it hard to speak with one voice; Mr Sánchez has had to devote much time and effort to internal debate.

Governments everywhere have struggled to deal with a crisis that demands swift, momentous and costly decisions. In Spain, a fragmented opposition adds to the problems. “We’re not starting from a blank slate, but rather from years of institutional deterioration,” says Sandra León, a political scientist. The country’s political system has not regained its balance since the last economic slump, of 2008-12, which fractured a stable two-party system into five and fuelled separatism in Catalonia.

Political competition is now not just between left and right but within each of those two blocs, which makes it more confrontational. Take Mr Casado’s position. He heads what was once the loyal opposition, but he must now also try to contain Vox. Another battleground will be over decentralisation. Quim Torra, the separatist head of the Catalan administration, has attempted to exploit the crisis to claim that independence would have provided more protection against the virus. Since he still runs nursing homes and hospitals in his region, that has cut little ice. Rather, there is evidence from polling data that in this crisis Spaniards want the centre to take charge as Mr Sánchez has done, argues Ms León. But that is inimical to the moderate and influential Basque nationalists, as well as to their Catalan counterparts.

Some in the PP say that one condition for a national agreement should be the departure of Podemos from the government. Mr Sánchez has ruled that out. Although it was his route to office, he knew the tie to Podemos “wouldn’t work for governing”, says Jorge del Palacio of King Juan Carlos University in Madrid. But “he can’t break the coalition without an alternative.” A centrist grand coalition looks unlikely, though it is not impossible. The coming months of mass unemployment, business failures and spiralling public debt will be gruelling for Spain and for its government. The last crisis upended the country’s politics in unforeseen ways. This one could yet do so, too.

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This article appeared in the Europe section of the print edition under the headline “A house divided”

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‘Disgraceful:’ N.S. Tory leader slams school’s request that military remove uniform

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HALIFAX – Nova Scotia Premier Tim Houston says it’s “disgraceful and demeaning” that a Halifax-area school would request that service members not wear military uniforms to its Remembrance Day ceremony.

Houston’s comments were part of a chorus of criticism levelled at the school — Sackville Heights Elementary — whose administration decided to back away from the plan after the outcry.

A November newsletter from the school in Middle Sackville, N.S., invited Armed Forces members to attend its ceremony but asked that all attendees arrive in civilian attire to “maintain a welcoming environment for all.”

Houston, who is currently running for re-election, accused the school’s leaders of “disgracing themselves while demeaning the people who protect our country” in a post on the social media platform X Thursday night.

“If the people behind this decision had a shred of the courage that our veterans have, this cowardly and insulting idea would have been rejected immediately,” Houston’s post read. There were also several calls for resignations within the school’s administration attached to Houston’s post.

In an email to families Thursday night, the school’s principal, Rachael Webster, apologized and welcomed military family members to attend “in the attire that makes them most comfortable.”

“I recognize this request has caused harm and I am deeply sorry,” Webster’s email read, adding later that the school has the “utmost respect for what the uniform represents.”

Webster said the initial request was out of concern for some students who come from countries experiencing conflict and who she said expressed discomfort with images of war, including military uniforms.

Her email said any students who have concerns about seeing Armed Forces members in uniform can be accommodated in a way that makes them feel safe, but she provided no further details in the message.

Webster did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

At a news conference Friday, Houston said he’s glad the initial request was reversed but said he is still concerned.

“I can’t actually fathom how a decision like that was made,” Houston told reporters Friday, adding that he grew up moving between military bases around the country while his father was in the Armed Forces.

“My story of growing up in a military family is not unique in our province. The tradition of service is something so many of us share,” he said.

“Saying ‘lest we forget’ is a solemn promise to the fallen. It’s our commitment to those that continue to serve and our commitment that we will pass on our respects to the next generation.”

Liberal Leader Zach Churchill also said he’s happy with the school’s decision to allow uniformed Armed Forces members to attend the ceremony, but he said he didn’t think it was fair to question the intentions of those behind the original decision.

“We need to have them (uniforms) on display at Remembrance Day,” he said. “Not only are we celebrating (veterans) … we’re also commemorating our dead who gave the greatest sacrifice for our country and for the freedoms we have.”

NDP Leader Claudia Chender said that while Remembrance Day is an important occasion to honour veterans and current service members’ sacrifices, she said she hopes Houston wasn’t taking advantage of the decision to “play politics with this solemn occasion for his own political gain.”

“I hope Tim Houston reached out to the principal of the school before making a public statement,” she said in a statement.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 8, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Saskatchewan NDP’s Beck holds first caucus meeting after election, outlines plans

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REGINA – Saskatchewan Opposition NDP Leader Carla Beck says she wants to prove to residents her party is the government in waiting as she heads into the incoming legislative session.

Beck held her first caucus meeting with 27 members, nearly double than what she had before the Oct. 28 election but short of the 31 required to form a majority in the 61-seat legislature.

She says her priorities will be health care and cost-of-living issues.

Beck says people need affordability help right now and will press Premier Scott Moe’s Saskatchewan Party government to cut the gas tax and the provincial sales tax on children’s clothing and some grocery items.

Beck’s NDP is Saskatchewan’s largest Opposition in nearly two decades after sweeping Regina and winning all but one seat in Saskatoon.

The Saskatchewan Party won 34 seats, retaining its hold on all of the rural ridings and smaller cities.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 8, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Nova Scotia election: Liberals say province’s immigration levels are too high

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HALIFAX – Nova Scotia‘s growing population was the subject of debate on Day 12 of the provincial election campaign, with Liberal Leader Zach Churchill arguing immigration levels must be reduced until the province can provide enough housing and health-care services.

Churchill said Thursday a plan by the incumbent Progressive Conservatives to double the province’s population to two million people by the year 2060 is unrealistic and unsustainable.

“That’s a big leap and it’s making life harder for people who live here, (including ) young people looking for a place to live and seniors looking to downsize,” he told a news conference at his campaign headquarters in Halifax.

Anticipating that his call for less immigration might provoke protests from the immigrant community, Churchill was careful to note that he is among the third generation of a family that moved to Nova Scotia from Lebanon.

“I know the value of immigration, the importance of it to our province. We have been built on the backs of an immigrant population. But we just need to do it in a responsible way.”

The Liberal leader said Tim Houston’s Tories, who are seeking a second term in office, have made a mistake by exceeding immigration targets set by the province’s Department of Labour and Immigration. Churchill said a Liberal government would abide by the department’s targets.

In the most recent fiscal year, the government welcomed almost 12,000 immigrants through its nominee program, exceeding the department’s limit by more than 4,000, he said. The numbers aren’t huge, but the increase won’t help ease the province’s shortages in housing and doctors, and the increased strain on its infrastructure, including roads, schools and cellphone networks, Churchill said.

“(The Immigration Department) has done the hard work on this,” he said. “They know where the labour gaps are, and they know what growth is sustainable.”

In response, Houston said his commitment to double the population was a “stretch goal.” And he said the province had long struggled with a declining population before that trend was recently reversed.

“The only immigration that can come into this province at this time is if they are a skilled trade worker or a health-care worker,” Houston said. “The population has grown by two per cent a year, actually quite similar growth to what we experienced under the Liberal government before us.”

Still, Houston said he’s heard Nova Scotians’ concerns about population growth, and he then pivoted to criticize Prime Minister Justin Trudeau for trying to send 6,000 asylum seekers to Nova Scotia, an assertion the federal government has denied.

Churchill said Houston’s claim about asylum seekers was shameful.

“It’s smoke and mirrors,” the Liberal leader said. “He is overshooting his own department’s numbers for sustainable population growth and yet he is trying to blame this on asylum seekers … who aren’t even here.”

In September, federal Immigration Minister Marc Miller said there is no plan to send any asylum seekers to the province without compensation or the consent of the premier. He said the 6,000 number was an “aspirational” figure based on models that reflect each province’s population.

In Halifax, NDP Leader Claudia Chender said it’s clear Nova Scotia needs more doctors, nurses and skilled trades people.

“Immigration has been and always will be a part of the Nova Scotia story, but we need to build as we grow,” Chender said. “This is why we have been pushing the Houston government to build more affordable housing.”

Chender was in a Halifax cafe on Thursday when she promised her party would remove the province’s portion of the harmonized sales tax from all grocery, cellphone and internet bills if elected to govern on Nov. 26. The tax would also be removed from the sale and installation of heat pumps.

“Our focus is on helping people to afford their lives,” Chender told reporters. “We know there are certain things that you can’t live without: food, internet and a phone …. So we know this will have the single biggest impact.”

The party estimates the measure would save the average Nova Scotia family about $1,300 a year.

“That’s a lot more than a one or two per cent HST cut,” Chender said, referring to the Progressive Conservative pledge to reduce the tax by one percentage point and the Liberal promise to trim it by two percentage points.

Elsewhere on the campaign trail, Houston announced that a Progressive Conservative government would make parking free at all Nova Scotia hospitals and health-care centres. The promise was also made by the Liberals in their election platform released Monday.

“Free parking may not seem like a big deal to some, but … the parking, especially for people working at the facilities, can add up to hundreds of dollars,” the premier told a news conference at his campaign headquarters in Halifax.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 7, 2024.

— With files from Keith Doucette in Halifax

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