Nearly everyone we told about our cross-country trip on the Lincoln Highway asked: Are you going to Yellowstone? No, we would say, the Lincoln Highway doesn’t run through it, and we wanted to visit America’s forgotten towns, not its favorite parks. But as the question kept coming, my wife Laurel and I could sense people thinking: What’s wrong with you?
In looking for Lincoln’s spirit and what binds Americans together, we also knew that Lincoln laid the foundation for Yellowstone and the national park system that is beloved by liberals and conservatives alike. In 1864, he signed the first legislation setting aside land — in California’s Yosemite Valley — for “public use, resort, and recreation.” We had hoped to visit Yosemite after completing the Lincoln Highway in San Francisco, but the forecast called for snowstorms and temperatures in the teens, leaving me to fear every RVer’s worst nightmare: frozen water pipes.
Still, we resolved that on the return trip, we would follow a route that allowed us to experience a few national parks — bastions of egalitarianism that inspire a shared sense of national awe — by driving our Winnebago along portions of America’s oldest roads: Route 66, the Dixie Overland Highway, the Old Spanish Trail and Highway 61.
In early December, we spent three nights in Joshua Tree National Park, watching a full moon rise over the mountains and illuminate the desert floor. I took three hikes, getting lost on only one — the one on which I forgot to bring a water bottle. With the sun inching down in midafternoon, I ran into a hiker who steered me back to the correct trail. I debated whether to admit any of this to Laurel and decided I should. She cut me off: “Don’t tell me this!” I’m still new to marriage.
From Joshua Tree we take the road to Amboy, California, through miles of desert valley shrub brush flanked by jagged and barren mountains. At Amboy we pick up Route 66, whose fame has far eclipsed the Lincoln Highway and every other old national auto route, thanks largely to Hollywood and the traveling heroes whose epic adventures — in “The Blues Brothers,” “Easy Rider” and “The Grapes of Wrath” — helped capture the American imagination. About all the Lincoln Highway ever got were a couple of silent films and a line in the Woody Guthrie song “Hard Travelin’” — and even then, Route 66 overtakes it:
I’ve been walking that Lincoln Highway, I thought you knowed I’ve been hittin’ that 66, way down the road.
At Amboy, we pull it into Roy’s Motel and Café. It had been a thriving tourist stop until Interstate 40 opened in 1973. Then it closed down, along with the rest of the town, but never stopped appearing in movies — and, increasingly, Instagram feeds (including @looking4lincoln). The public will not let it go, and its owner sees a future in the past: The gas station has reopened, the neon lights are back on, and there’s hope the motel and café may yet be restored and reopened, too.
There is money to be made in nostalgia, and all across Route 66 from Amboy to Williams, Arizona, the story is same: Small towns are capitalizing on their links to the road and the travelers in search of a different time. In Oatman, Arizona, burros roam the street for tourists to feed when not browsing for Old West trinkets, or pausing to watch a high-noon shootout, or drinking at the Classy Ass Saloon. In Kingman, we have burgers and shakes at Mr. D’z — opened in 1992, but looking straight out of 1953. In Seligman, Old West camp and mid-century modernism sit side by side, the Road Kill Café competing with the Sno Cap Diner, which actually opened in 1953 and — based on the reviews, it’s now closed for the season — is more kitsch than kitchen.
Yet for every business trying to monetize the past, three or more stand vacant and boarded up. And as travelers soak in the cartoon version of the Old West, real-life cowboys and cowgirls are fighting government policies that they fear will destroy their way of life.
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Photo by Frank Barry
On a Saturday morning in Kingman, Arizona, Laurel and I drive out to the Rafter S Ranch to meet Emmett and Lori Sturgill. Emmett’s father was a cowboy who taught him the trade. “When I was growing up, the people that owned the ranches had a TV. I told my dad when I was 15 years old: I want to own a ranch. I don’t want to work on the ranch because I want to have a TV. We ain’t never had no TVs.”
Emmett had a 30-year career in law enforcement, working narcotics trafficking for the state and as a cowboy on the side, saving enough to become a part-owner of a ranch. After the police work finished for the day, the ranch work began.
“All my vacation and all my weekends and all my holidays, they were all spent at the ranch. There wasn’t any vacations. There wasn’t any holidays, but it was my passion.” He isn’t complaining. “The good Lord has just been just really good to me and allowed me to do that. So many people don’t get to realize their childhood dreams. I’ve been very lucky, and I’ve worked really hard to make that happen.”
He and Lori own a ranch at the base of the Grand Canyon that is 180,000 acres — 12 times the size of Manhattan. It’s hard for me to fathom how a single piece of property could be that big, and it’s not even the biggest ranch in the county. “Just to check our waters” — making sure the water feeders are full — “is about 100 miles,” says Lori. The ranch is 26 miles long and six miles wide. “Then, as soon as you get out there, invariably something’s broke.” The days are hard and long. They have just one employee, partly because workmen’s comp is so expensive — $2,100 a month, which is more than the salary they pay him.
Much of their ranch is federal land overseen by the Bureau of Land Management, which limits the size of their herd. They have a permit for 500 mother cows but because of the drought, and their desire to prevent overgrazing, they’ve kept the number below 400. Lori grew up on a farm and loves — and has a way with — animals. As we talk on their back porch, a half-dozen dogs join us, as does a 7-week old burro that they took in as a rescue and that Laurel falls in love with immediately. A pheasant sits atop a trailer, pigs explore the yard, and horses move in and out of the corral — they have an entire mountain to roam freely.
There are virtually no fences on the Rafter S ranch. It’s all open range, and the cows wander over the mountains and valley, eating as they go. Driving in, we had seen signs to watch for cattle on the road. “We put reflective ear tags in our cattle, and we still lose about eight or 10 a year,” says Emmett. The neighboring ranch, which has more exposure to the road and does not use reflectors, loses 30.
The road to the Grand Canyon Skywalk runs through their ranch. “We used to have a dirt road. No problem. Now, they come in and they paved the road. They built the Skywalk. They bring a million people here and they run over our cattle now and they want me to fence the road. Well, it’s about a million and a half dollars for me to fence that road. I can’t afford to fence that road. Arizona is an open range state. I was here before they were, but that doesn’t seem to matter.”
He says state legislators from Phoenix and Tucson are “trying to do away with the open range laws here, which will put all the ranchers out of business. I don’t have a million and a half dollars to fence it.”
A million and half dollars for six miles of fence?
“I could actually finish it for $70,000,” says Emmett. “The $1.6 million that I’m talking about is to comply with the county regulations. Because if I do that, everywhere there’s a turnout I have to put in a $70,000 cattle guard. They won’t let me put in a gate — and it has to be county approved, state approved — this, that and the other thing.”
It’s not just the fence. Lori wanted to put up shades on their water feeders, “so that the afternoon west sun is hitting the shade. And that way the water’s cool [which] helps prevents moss and algae from growing on it. But besides that, cattle can drink it better. They don’t want to sit and drink water that’s 130 degrees. When they don’t have proper water in their system, they’re not digesting correctly.” But the water feeders sit on BLM land, and the BLM won’t let her do it — or plant trees that would provide shade — without going through a National Environmental Policy Act process, which can take years and cost a lot of money. “So I went and bought 40 acres right next to that, so that I could put up my own shade on my own property.”
It’s not just the shades, either. Lori put up a note on Facebook offering an opportunity to a local butcher to start her or his own business: She’d build a butcher shop and buy all the equipment, and the butcher could use it free of charge, in exchange for butchering some of their cows.
Emmett explained what happened next. “It wasn’t 12 hours [before] the Department of Agriculture started inundating us with, ‘You can’t do that. And this is the regulation.’ Sent us five books full of regulations, hundreds of pages.”
Lori could not believe it: “I even have a relationship with the Department of Ag, but right away, that’s their first response. As opposed to what you can do, it’s all about what you can’t do. And I think: Why have we gotten to that point in our life?”
Time and again they return to examples of government bureaucracies being devoid of common sense, yet still always seeming to know best. Emmett: “They’ll bring people in here from Oregon. Well it rains every day in Oregon. It rains three times a year here. So don’t you bring me a guy from Oregon that thinks there should be green grass. And so he tells you you’re overgrazing your range when you’re not.”
They both see arrogance in the way the agencies prioritize college degrees over practical experience. “I don’t have a college education, she doesn’t have a college education,” Emmett says. “So we must be idiots because they went to college and they know better. They haven’t been out here on the land.”
In citing the government’s mistakes, Emmett says ranchers have learned to deal with the government’s biggest weapon — scientific studies — by embracing science. “Science has turned out to be the ranchers’ best friend, believe it or not.” He cites the government’s longstanding fire suppression practices, rather than controlled burns, which have played a large role in the Western wildfires. His father had taught him that Smokey the Bear was nothing but propaganda. “He said, ‘They’re trying to brainwash American people into saying that the fire is bad — and fire is good. You need fire to sustain.’”
The Endangered Species Act is another headache. In 1987, the federal government added the Mexican vole — a mouse — to the list of endangered species based on, Emmett says, a single study that lacked a proper taxonomy. Subsequent studies cast doubt on whether it was in fact a distinct subspecies in the mountains around Kingman, or merely the same type of mouse found in many regions. He says someone lost a ranch when the vole was found to be present on it — the government took it away — and it cost taxpayers millions of dollars in added expenses to design roads and other infrastructure to protect the vole.
“I’m all about protecting the panda bear and whatever else. But for God’s sakes, let’s be reasonable. And number one is: Let’s make sure that it is endangered.”
The U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service considered removing it during the Obama administration, as the state of Arizona had petitioned, but never acted. The Trump administration did, six months into its term.
I ask how the Trump years have been for them.
“Lifesaving,” says Emmett.
I ask him for an example besides the Mexican vole. He doesn’t hesitate.
“There’s a wash right here” — a creek bed that carries runoff during a monsoon. Most of the year it’s bone-dry. “Under Obama, that was a navigable waterway, and all of the regulations concerning navigable waterways applied to that — and on our private property. Now think about this for a minute. When Congress passed the navigable waterway act, navigable waterways meant a barge would move commerce. But for a rancher, if I wanted to put a road there, I’d have to go through the Army Corps of Engineers and get permits. And they would have to do NEPA studies, which take an average of four years.”
The Sturgills are not antigovernment. “I think there’s a place for them,” Emmett says. “I don’t think that we should eliminate them. I’m going to make a living off of public land — I’ve got a million dollars invested here, and they have a role to play. If there are guys who don’t manage the land — there are very, very few, but there are some. And so in that case, there should be someone to come in and stop them.”
Emmett takes us out to see some of the cattle, and they look as big and healthy as any cow grazing green grass back east. “If it doesn’t rain in the spring, we’ll probably sell almost all of our cattle.” Without enough to eat, a cow may not get pregnant — and “if she has a calf, the calf is puny. Then the calf doesn’t sell very good. It’s a whole system.”
Ranchers have been working that system for generations. But it’s not getting any easier. On the previous ranch Emmett owned, he had to hire a lawyer to fight an effort by wealthy Phoenix horse lovers who wanted to turn his ranch into a sanctuary for wild horses, even though — as it turned out, says Emmett — the horses belonged to a neighboring ranch.
Just off Route 66, there are still cowboys and cowgirls who are making their living selling beef, not Old West nostalgia. Maybe someday their fight for survival against government bureaucracy will be the stuff of legend that attracts tourists from all over. But I hope not. They have too much traffic as it is.
This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.
The New Democrats have declared a federal byelection victory in their Winnipeg stronghold riding of Elmwood—Transcona.
The NDP candidate Leila Dance told supporters in a tearful speech that even though the final results weren’t in, she expected she would see them in Ottawa.
With several polls still to be counted, Conservative candidate Colin Reynolds conceded defeat and told his volunteers that they should be proud of what the Conservatives accomplished in the campaign.
Political watchers had a keen eye on the results to see if the Tories could sway traditionally NDP voters on issues related to labour and affordability.
Meanwhile in the byelection race in the Montreal riding of LaSalle—Émard—Verdun the NDP, Liberals and Bloc Québécois remained locked in an extremely tight three-way race as the results trickled in slowly.
The Liberal stronghold riding had a record 91 names on the ballot, and the results aren’t expected until the early hours of the morning.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 16, 2024.
VANCOUVER – An incumbent BC United legislative member has reversed her decision not to seek re-election and has announced she’ll run as an Independent in the riding of West Vancouver-Capilano in the upcoming British Columbia election.
Karin Kirkpatrick has been a vocal critic of BC United Leader Kevin Falcon’s decision last month to suspend the party’s campaign and throw support behind the B.C. Conservatives under John Rustad.
Kirkpatrick announced her retirement this year, but said Monday that her decision to re-enter the race comes as a direct result of Falcon’s actions, which would force middle-of-the-road voters to “swing to the left” to the NDP or to move further right to the Conservatives.
“I did hear from a lot of constituents and a lot of people who were emailing me from across B.C. … that they didn’t have anybody to vote for,” she said. “And so, I looked even at myself, and I looked at my riding, and I said, ‘Well, I no longer have anybody to vote for in my own riding.’ It was clearly an issue of this missing middle for the more moderate voter.”
She said voters who reached out “don’t want to vote for an NDP government but felt deeply uncomfortable” supporting the provincial Conservatives, citing Rustad’s tolerance of what she calls “extreme views and conspiracy theorists.”
Kirkpatrick joins four other incumbent Opposition MLAs running as Independents, including Peace River South’s Mike Bernier, Peace River North’s Dan Davies, Prince George-Cariboo’s Coralee Oakes and Tom Shypitka in Kootenay-Rockies.
“To be honest, we talk just about every day,” Kirkpatrick said about her fellow BC United incumbents now running as Independents. “We’re all feeling the same way. We all need to kind of hold each other up and make sure we’re doing the right thing.”
She added that a number of first-time candidates formerly on the BC United ticket are contacting the group of incumbents running for election, and the group is working together “as good moderates who respect each other and lift each other up.”
But Kirkpatrick said it’s also too early to talk about the future of BC United or the possibility of forming a new party.
“The first thing we need to do is to get these Independent MLAs elected into the legislature,” she said, noting a strong group could play a power-broker role if a minority government is elected. “Once we’re there then we’re all going to come together and we’re going to figure out, is there something left in BC United, BC Liberals that we can resurrect, or do we need to start a new party that’s in the centre?”
She said there’s a big gap left in the political spectrum in the province.
“So, we just have to do it in a mindful way, to make sure it’s representing the broadest base of people in B.C.”
Among the supporters at Kirkpatrick’s announcement Monday was former longtime MLA Ralph Sultan, who held West Vancouver-Capilano for almost two decades before retiring in 2020.
The Metro Vancouver riding has been a stronghold for the BC Liberals — the former BC United — since its formation in 1991, with more than half of the votes going to the centre-right party in every contest.
However, Kirkpatrick’s winning margin of 53.6 per cent to the NDP’s 30.1 per cent and the Green’s 15.4 per cent in the 2020 election shows a rising trend for left-leaning voters in the district.
Mike McDonald, chief strategy officer with Kirk and Co. Consulting, and a former campaign director for the BC Liberals and chief of staff under former Premier Christy Clark, said Independent candidates historically face an uphill battle and the biggest impact may be splitting votes in areas where the NDP could emerge victorious.
“It really comes down to, if the NDP are in a position to get 33 per cent of the vote, they might have a chance of winning,” McDonald said of the impact of an Independent vote-split with the Conservatives in certain ridings.
He said B.C. history shows it’s very hard for an Independent to win an election and has been done only a handful of times.
“So, the odds do not favour Independents winning the seats unless there is a very unique combination of circumstances, and more likely that they play a role as a spoiler, frankly.”
The B.C. Conservatives list West Vancouver School District Trustee Lynne Block as its candidate in West Vancouver-Capilano, while the BC NDP is represented by health care professional Sara Eftekhar.
Kirkpatrick said she is confident that her re-entry to the race will not result in a vote split that allows the NDP to win the seat because the party has always had a poor showing in the riding.
“So, even if there is competition between myself and the Conservative candidate, it is highly unlikely that anything would swing over to the NDP here. And I believe that I have the ability to actually attract those NDP voters to me, as well as the Conservatives and Liberals who are feeling just lost right now.”
This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 16, 2024.
WASHINGTON (AP) — Secretary of State Antony Blinken heads to Egypt on Tuesday for his 10th trip to the Middle East since the war in Gaza began nearly a year ago, this one aimed partly at refining a proposal to present to Israel and Hamas for a cease-fire deal and release of hostages.
Unlike in recent mediating missions, America’s top diplomat this time is traveling without optimistic projections from the Biden administration of an expected breakthrough in the troubled negotiations.
Also unlike the earlier missions, Blinken has no public plans to go to Israel to meet with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on this trip. The Israeli leader’s fiery public statements — like his declaration that Israel would accept only “total victory” when Blinken was in the region in June — and some other unbudgeable demands have complicated earlier diplomacy.
Blinken is going to Egypt for talks Wednesday with Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty and others, in a trip billed as focused both on American-Egyptian relations and Gaza consultations with Egypt.
The tamped-down public approach follows months in which President Joe Biden and his officials publicly talked up an agreement to end the war in Gaza as being just within reach, hoping to build pressure on Netanyahu’s far-right government and Hamas to seal a deal.
The Biden administration now says it is working with fellow mediators Egypt and Qatar to come up with a revised final proposal to try to at least get Israel and Hamas into a six-week cease-fire that would free some of the hostages held by Hamas in exchange for Palestinian prisoners held by Israel. Americans believe public attention on details of the talks now would only hurt that effort.
American, Qatari and Egyptian officials still are consulting “about what that proposal will contain, and …. we’re trying to see that it’s a proposal that can get the parties to an ultimate agreement,” State Department spokesman Matthew Miller said Monday.
The State Department pointed to Egypt’s important role in Gaza peace efforts in announcing last week that the Biden administration planned to give the country its full $1.3 billion in military aid, overriding congressional requirements that the U.S. hold back some of the funding if Egypt fails to show adequate progress on human rights. Blinken told Congress that Egypt has made progress on human rights, including in freeing political prisoners.
Blinken’s trip comes amid the risk of a full-on new front in the Middle East, with Israel threatening increasing military action against the Hezbollah militant organization in Lebanon. Biden envoy Amos Hochstein was in Israel on Monday to try to calm tensions after a stop in Lebanon.
Hezbollah has one of the strongest militaries in the Middle East, and like Hamas and smaller groups in Syria and Iraq it is allied with Iran.
Hezbollah and Israel have exchanged strikes across Israel’s northern border with Lebanon since the Oct. 7 attack by Hamas started the war in Gaza. Hezbollah says it will ease those strikes — which have uprooted tens of thousands of civilians on both sides of the border — only when there’s a cease-fire in Gaza.
Hochstein told Netanyahu and other Israeli officials that intensifying the conflict with Hezbollah would not help get Israelis back in their homes, according to a U.S. official. The official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss the private talks, said Hochstein stressed to Netanyahu that he risked sparking a broad and protracted regional conflict if he moved forward with a full-scale war in Lebanon.
Hochstein also underscored to Israeli officials that the Biden administration remained committed to finding a diplomatic solution to the tensions on Israel’s northern border in conjunction with a Gaza deal or on its own, the official said.
Netanyahu told Hochstein that it would “not be possible to return our residents without a fundamental change in the security situation in the north.” The prime minister said Israel “appreciates and respects” U.S. support but “will do what is necessary to maintain its security and return the residents of the north to their homes safely.”
Israel Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, meanwhile, warned in his meeting with Hochstein that “the only way left to ensure the return of Israel’s northern communities to their homes will be via military action,” his office said.
In Gaza, the U.S. says Israel and Hamas have agreed to a deal in principle and that the biggest obstacles now include a disagreement on details of the hostage and prisoner swap and control over a buffer zone on the border between Gaza and Egypt. Netanyahu has demanded in recent weeks that the Israeli military be allowed to keep a presence in the Philadelphi corridor. Egypt and Hamas have rejected that demand.
The Hamas-led attacks in southern Israel on Oct. 7 killed about 1,200 people. Militants also abducted 250 people and are still holding around 100 hostages. About a third of the remaining hostages are believed to be dead.
Israel’s offensive in Gaza has killed more than 41,000 Palestinians, said Gaza’s Health Ministry, which does not distinguish between civilians and militants in its count. The war has caused widespread destruction, displaced a majority of Gaza’s people and created a humanitarian crisis.
Netanyahu says he is working to bring home the hostages. His critics accuse him of slow-rolling a deal because it could bring down his hardline coalition government, which includes members opposed to a truce with the Palestinians.
Asked earlier this month if Netanyahu was doing enough for a cease-fire deal, Biden said, simply, “no.” But he added that he still believed a deal was close.
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Associated Press writer Aamer Madhani contributed to this report.
