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The Economy Is in a Pretty Good Place, After All

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U.S. economic policy in 2021 was met with a firestorm of criticism from many economists. I’m not talking just about Republican loyalists, who always predict disaster when a Democrat moves into the White House. Even Democratic economists, or relatively apolitical technocrats, were scathing in their denunciations.

Thus Larry Summers, who was effectively the Obama administration’s chief economist, blasted President Biden’s spending bills as the “least responsible macroeconomic policy we’ve had in the last 40 years.” Mohamed El-Erian, an economist who is usually cautious in his pronouncements, declared that the Federal Reserve had committed a historic error by failing to raise interest rates in 2021.

Underlying these harsh words was the belief not only that we would go through a period of high inflation — which the critics got right, and I got wrong — but also that getting inflation back under control would be extremely painful, probably involving years of very high unemployment.

But the economy has defied that dire prediction. Inflation has come way down despite continuing strength in employment. If the policy choices of 2021 did any lasting damage, it’s invisible in the data. So let’s talk about where the economy is now, and ask what, if any, lasting damage the Biden administration’s early policy may have done.

The first point is that we’ve experienced remarkable progress against inflation, so much progress that it seems almost surreal even to optimists like myself. One good way to see the good news is to compare some standard estimates of “underlying” inflation (that is, measures that try to extract the signal from the noise) over different time horizons. Here are two such measures for the Fed’s preferred inflation indicator, the personal consumption expenditure deflator — one that excludes volatile food and energy prices (below left), and one that excludes all large price movements (below right):

Both yield almost the same result: inflation below 3 percent for the past three months, lower than the rate over the past six months, which in turn is below the rate over the past year. This is what you expect to see if inflation is falling steadily toward something close to the Fed’s 2 percent target.

I still often see statements to the effect that while we’ve made progress against inflation, there remains a lot of work to be done. But the data says that we’re almost there, and inflation pessimists seem to me to be engaged in almost desperate efforts to find justifications for their pessimism.

And all this progress has been achieved at no visible cost in terms of jobs. In fact, employment recovered with stunning speed from the Covid slump. Here’s one measure, the employed percentage of adults ages 25 to 54, comparing developments since January 2020 with those after the last recession began, in December 2007:

Last time it took more than a decade to achieve a full employment recovery. This time we were above pre-Covid employment within three years. Disinflation hasn’t seemed to require any sacrifice at all, let alone the high “sacrifice ratio” — lots of unemployment to reduce inflation — that many predicted.

Still, hasn’t inflation eaten into workers’ paychecks? Actually, no.

Wage data have been tricky over the past few years. During the worst of the pandemic shutdowns, job losses were concentrated among lower-paid service workers, so that the average wage shot up simply because the worst-paid were not part of the average, then came down as things returned to normal. At this point, however, most of these effects are probably behind us. And the real wage of the average worker — average hourly earnings divided by consumer prices — is higher now than before the pandemic. Prices are higher, but they have been outpaced by wages:

Today’s economy, then, seems to be in pretty good shape. There was an inflation surge in 2021-2022, but it appears to have been, yes, transitory. So did policymakers truly commit a historic error by failing to act sooner against inflation?

In fact, there’s a good economic case to be made that a temporary burst of inflation was just what the doctor ordered. The pandemic was a huge shock that disrupted supply chains and shifted the mix of goods and services consumers demanded. As a result, it was necessary for the prices of some goods to rise relative to the prices of others. And it was easier to achieve this adjustment in relative prices by raising the prices of goods that were in short supply rather than cutting the prices of goods that weren’t. A limited inflationary burst, like the one that followed World War II, was arguably the right response — at least in strict economic terms.

If you want to argue that policymakers made a historic mistake in 2021, I think that case has to rest on the proposition that even a temporary inflation burst did lasting psychological, or maybe even more important, political damage.

There’s no question that public perceptions of the economy are vastly worse than the economic reality. When I first began making this argument I got a lot of pushback from journalists arguing that the public had good reason to feel bad. At this point, however, it’s more or less impossible to deny that there’s something strange about the public’s negative view about a very good economy.

There are probably multiple reasons for this disconnect, but one possibility is that the sudden re-emergence of inflation shocked Americans who had grown accustomed to price stability, and that they still haven’t recovered from that shock.

If that’s true, it might be that the policies of 2021 were good economics but bad politics. This view, however, depends on how much of the acceleration in inflation can be attributed to those policies, which isn’t totally obvious.

There have been some efforts to model this question, for example a Bloomberg analysis suggesting that even if the Fed had moved sooner it wouldn’t have made much difference. At this point, however, there’s so much disagreement among economic modelers that I don’t think appealing to model results will persuade anyone.

One alternative is to compare inflation in the United States with inflation in other countries that didn’t engage in big fiscal stimulus. Critics of U.S. policy used to mention lower inflation in Europe as evidence that excessive stimulus was the problem. At this point we actually have much lower inflation than the Europeans, but to be fair they were hit harder by the effects of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Still, even before the invasion European inflation was on the rise, although lagging the United States:

Notice, by the way, that I’ve been careful to use comparable inflation measures here.

This comparison suggests that since inflation in America was a couple of points higher than inflation in Europe before Ukraine, its peak might have been a couple of points lower without those expansionary policies. Would that have led to a radically different public view of the economy? I doubt it.

So, should fiscal stimulus have been smaller? Yes. Should the Fed have started raising rates sooner? Yes. Would any of that have made much difference to the pretty good place we’re in economically, or the bad place we’re in politically? Probably not.

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B.C.’s debt and deficit forecast to rise as the provincial election nears

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VICTORIA – British Columbia is forecasting a record budget deficit and a rising debt of almost $129 billion less than two weeks before the start of a provincial election campaign where economic stability and future progress are expected to be major issues.

Finance Minister Katrine Conroy, who has announced her retirement and will not seek re-election in the Oct. 19 vote, said Tuesday her final budget update as minister predicts a deficit of $8.9 billion, up $1.1 billion from a forecast she made earlier this year.

Conroy said she acknowledges “challenges” facing B.C., including three consecutive deficit budgets, but expected improved economic growth where the province will start to “turn a corner.”

The $8.9 billion deficit forecast for 2024-2025 is followed by annual deficit projections of $6.7 billion and $6.1 billion in 2026-2027, Conroy said at a news conference outlining the government’s first quarterly financial update.

Conroy said lower corporate income tax and natural resource revenues and the increased cost of fighting wildfires have had some of the largest impacts on the budget.

“I want to acknowledge the economic uncertainties,” she said. “While global inflation is showing signs of easing and we’ve seen cuts to the Bank of Canada interest rates, we know that the challenges are not over.”

Conroy said wildfire response costs are expected to total $886 million this year, more than $650 million higher than originally forecast.

Corporate income tax revenue is forecast to be $638 million lower as a result of federal government updates and natural resource revenues are down $299 million due to lower prices for natural gas, lumber and electricity, she said.

Debt-servicing costs are also forecast to be $344 million higher due to the larger debt balance, the current interest rate and accelerated borrowing to ensure services and capital projects are maintained through the province’s election period, said Conroy.

B.C.’s economic growth is expected to strengthen over the next three years, but the timing of a return to a balanced budget will fall to another minister, said Conroy, who was addressing what likely would be her last news conference as Minister of Finance.

The election is expected to be called on Sept. 21, with the vote set for Oct. 19.

“While we are a strong province, people are facing challenges,” she said. “We have never shied away from taking those challenges head on, because we want to keep British Columbians secure and help them build good lives now and for the long term. With the investments we’re making and the actions we’re taking to support people and build a stronger economy, we’ve started to turn a corner.”

Premier David Eby said before the fiscal forecast was released Tuesday that the New Democrat government remains committed to providing services and supports for people in British Columbia and cuts are not on his agenda.

Eby said people have been hurt by high interest costs and the province is facing budget pressures connected to low resource prices, high wildfire costs and struggling global economies.

The premier said that now is not the time to reduce supports and services for people.

Last month’s year-end report for the 2023-2024 budget saw the province post a budget deficit of $5.035 billion, down from the previous forecast of $5.9 billion.

Eby said he expects government financial priorities to become a major issue during the upcoming election, with the NDP pledging to continue to fund services and the B.C. Conservatives looking to make cuts.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 10, 2024.

Note to readers: This is a corrected story. A previous version said the debt would be going up to more than $129 billion. In fact, it will be almost $129 billion.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Mark Carney mum on carbon-tax advice, future in politics at Liberal retreat

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NANAIMO, B.C. – Former Bank of Canada governor Mark Carney says he’ll be advising the Liberal party to flip some the challenges posed by an increasingly divided and dangerous world into an economic opportunity for Canada.

But he won’t say what his specific advice will be on economic issues that are politically divisive in Canada, like the carbon tax.

He presented his vision for the Liberals’ economic policy at the party’s caucus retreat in Nanaimo, B.C. today, after he agreed to help the party prepare for the next election as chair of a Liberal task force on economic growth.

Carney has been touted as a possible leadership contender to replace Justin Trudeau, who has said he has tried to coax Carney into politics for years.

Carney says if the prime minister asks him to do something he will do it to the best of his ability, but won’t elaborate on whether the new adviser role could lead to him adding his name to a ballot in the next election.

Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland says she has been taking advice from Carney for years, and that his new position won’t infringe on her role.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 10, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Nova Scotia bill would kick-start offshore wind industry without approval from Ottawa

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HALIFAX – The Nova Scotia government has introduced a bill that would kick-start the province’s offshore wind industry without federal approval.

Natural Resources Minister Tory Rushton says amendments within a new omnibus bill introduced today will help ensure Nova Scotia meets its goal of launching a first call for offshore wind bids next year.

The province wants to offer project licences by 2030 to develop a total of five gigawatts of power from offshore wind.

Rushton says normally the province would wait for the federal government to adopt legislation establishing a wind industry off Canada’s East Coast, but that process has been “progressing slowly.”

Federal legislation that would enable the development of offshore wind farms in Nova Scotia and Newfoundland and Labrador has passed through the first and second reading in the Senate, and is currently under consideration in committee.

Rushton says the Nova Scotia bill mirrors the federal legislation and would prevent the province’s offshore wind industry from being held up in Ottawa.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 10, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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