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Economy

The Economy Is in a Pretty Good Place, After All

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U.S. economic policy in 2021 was met with a firestorm of criticism from many economists. I’m not talking just about Republican loyalists, who always predict disaster when a Democrat moves into the White House. Even Democratic economists, or relatively apolitical technocrats, were scathing in their denunciations.

Thus Larry Summers, who was effectively the Obama administration’s chief economist, blasted President Biden’s spending bills as the “least responsible macroeconomic policy we’ve had in the last 40 years.” Mohamed El-Erian, an economist who is usually cautious in his pronouncements, declared that the Federal Reserve had committed a historic error by failing to raise interest rates in 2021.

Underlying these harsh words was the belief not only that we would go through a period of high inflation — which the critics got right, and I got wrong — but also that getting inflation back under control would be extremely painful, probably involving years of very high unemployment.

But the economy has defied that dire prediction. Inflation has come way down despite continuing strength in employment. If the policy choices of 2021 did any lasting damage, it’s invisible in the data. So let’s talk about where the economy is now, and ask what, if any, lasting damage the Biden administration’s early policy may have done.

The first point is that we’ve experienced remarkable progress against inflation, so much progress that it seems almost surreal even to optimists like myself. One good way to see the good news is to compare some standard estimates of “underlying” inflation (that is, measures that try to extract the signal from the noise) over different time horizons. Here are two such measures for the Fed’s preferred inflation indicator, the personal consumption expenditure deflator — one that excludes volatile food and energy prices (below left), and one that excludes all large price movements (below right):

Both yield almost the same result: inflation below 3 percent for the past three months, lower than the rate over the past six months, which in turn is below the rate over the past year. This is what you expect to see if inflation is falling steadily toward something close to the Fed’s 2 percent target.

I still often see statements to the effect that while we’ve made progress against inflation, there remains a lot of work to be done. But the data says that we’re almost there, and inflation pessimists seem to me to be engaged in almost desperate efforts to find justifications for their pessimism.

And all this progress has been achieved at no visible cost in terms of jobs. In fact, employment recovered with stunning speed from the Covid slump. Here’s one measure, the employed percentage of adults ages 25 to 54, comparing developments since January 2020 with those after the last recession began, in December 2007:

Last time it took more than a decade to achieve a full employment recovery. This time we were above pre-Covid employment within three years. Disinflation hasn’t seemed to require any sacrifice at all, let alone the high “sacrifice ratio” — lots of unemployment to reduce inflation — that many predicted.

Still, hasn’t inflation eaten into workers’ paychecks? Actually, no.

Wage data have been tricky over the past few years. During the worst of the pandemic shutdowns, job losses were concentrated among lower-paid service workers, so that the average wage shot up simply because the worst-paid were not part of the average, then came down as things returned to normal. At this point, however, most of these effects are probably behind us. And the real wage of the average worker — average hourly earnings divided by consumer prices — is higher now than before the pandemic. Prices are higher, but they have been outpaced by wages:

Today’s economy, then, seems to be in pretty good shape. There was an inflation surge in 2021-2022, but it appears to have been, yes, transitory. So did policymakers truly commit a historic error by failing to act sooner against inflation?

In fact, there’s a good economic case to be made that a temporary burst of inflation was just what the doctor ordered. The pandemic was a huge shock that disrupted supply chains and shifted the mix of goods and services consumers demanded. As a result, it was necessary for the prices of some goods to rise relative to the prices of others. And it was easier to achieve this adjustment in relative prices by raising the prices of goods that were in short supply rather than cutting the prices of goods that weren’t. A limited inflationary burst, like the one that followed World War II, was arguably the right response — at least in strict economic terms.

If you want to argue that policymakers made a historic mistake in 2021, I think that case has to rest on the proposition that even a temporary inflation burst did lasting psychological, or maybe even more important, political damage.

There’s no question that public perceptions of the economy are vastly worse than the economic reality. When I first began making this argument I got a lot of pushback from journalists arguing that the public had good reason to feel bad. At this point, however, it’s more or less impossible to deny that there’s something strange about the public’s negative view about a very good economy.

There are probably multiple reasons for this disconnect, but one possibility is that the sudden re-emergence of inflation shocked Americans who had grown accustomed to price stability, and that they still haven’t recovered from that shock.

If that’s true, it might be that the policies of 2021 were good economics but bad politics. This view, however, depends on how much of the acceleration in inflation can be attributed to those policies, which isn’t totally obvious.

There have been some efforts to model this question, for example a Bloomberg analysis suggesting that even if the Fed had moved sooner it wouldn’t have made much difference. At this point, however, there’s so much disagreement among economic modelers that I don’t think appealing to model results will persuade anyone.

One alternative is to compare inflation in the United States with inflation in other countries that didn’t engage in big fiscal stimulus. Critics of U.S. policy used to mention lower inflation in Europe as evidence that excessive stimulus was the problem. At this point we actually have much lower inflation than the Europeans, but to be fair they were hit harder by the effects of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Still, even before the invasion European inflation was on the rise, although lagging the United States:

Notice, by the way, that I’ve been careful to use comparable inflation measures here.

This comparison suggests that since inflation in America was a couple of points higher than inflation in Europe before Ukraine, its peak might have been a couple of points lower without those expansionary policies. Would that have led to a radically different public view of the economy? I doubt it.

So, should fiscal stimulus have been smaller? Yes. Should the Fed have started raising rates sooner? Yes. Would any of that have made much difference to the pretty good place we’re in economically, or the bad place we’re in politically? Probably not.

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Canada’s unemployment rate holds steady at 6.5% in October, economy adds 15,000 jobs

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OTTAWA – Canada’s unemployment rate held steady at 6.5 per cent last month as hiring remained weak across the economy.

Statistics Canada’s labour force survey on Friday said employment rose by a modest 15,000 jobs in October.

Business, building and support services saw the largest gain in employment.

Meanwhile, finance, insurance, real estate, rental and leasing experienced the largest decline.

Many economists see weakness in the job market continuing in the short term, before the Bank of Canada’s interest rate cuts spark a rebound in economic growth next year.

Despite ongoing softness in the labour market, however, strong wage growth has raged on in Canada. Average hourly wages in October grew 4.9 per cent from a year ago, reaching $35.76.

Friday’s report also shed some light on the financial health of households.

According to the agency, 28.8 per cent of Canadians aged 15 or older were living in a household that had difficulty meeting financial needs – like food and housing – in the previous four weeks.

That was down from 33.1 per cent in October 2023 and 35.5 per cent in October 2022, but still above the 20.4 per cent figure recorded in October 2020.

People living in a rented home were more likely to report difficulty meeting financial needs, with nearly four in 10 reporting that was the case.

That compares with just under a quarter of those living in an owned home by a household member.

Immigrants were also more likely to report facing financial strain last month, with about four out of 10 immigrants who landed in the last year doing so.

That compares with about three in 10 more established immigrants and one in four of people born in Canada.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 8, 2024.

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Health-care spending expected to outpace economy and reach $372 billion in 2024: CIHI

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The Canadian Institute for Health Information says health-care spending in Canada is projected to reach a new high in 2024.

The annual report released Thursday says total health spending is expected to hit $372 billion, or $9,054 per Canadian.

CIHI’s national analysis predicts expenditures will rise by 5.7 per cent in 2024, compared to 4.5 per cent in 2023 and 1.7 per cent in 2022.

This year’s health spending is estimated to represent 12.4 per cent of Canada’s gross domestic product. Excluding two years of the pandemic, it would be the highest ratio in the country’s history.

While it’s not unusual for health expenditures to outpace economic growth, the report says this could be the case for the next several years due to Canada’s growing population and its aging demographic.

Canada’s per capita spending on health care in 2022 was among the highest in the world, but still less than countries such as the United States and Sweden.

The report notes that the Canadian dental and pharmacare plans could push health-care spending even further as more people who previously couldn’t afford these services start using them.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 7, 2024.

Canadian Press health coverage receives support through a partnership with the Canadian Medical Association. CP is solely responsible for this content.

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Trump’s victory sparks concerns over ripple effect on Canadian economy

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As Canadians wake up to news that Donald Trump will return to the White House, the president-elect’s protectionist stance is casting a spotlight on what effect his second term will have on Canada-U.S. economic ties.

Some Canadian business leaders have expressed worry over Trump’s promise to introduce a universal 10 per cent tariff on all American imports.

A Canadian Chamber of Commerce report released last month suggested those tariffs would shrink the Canadian economy, resulting in around $30 billion per year in economic costs.

More than 77 per cent of Canadian exports go to the U.S.

Canada’s manufacturing sector faces the biggest risk should Trump push forward on imposing broad tariffs, said Canadian Manufacturers and Exporters president and CEO Dennis Darby. He said the sector is the “most trade-exposed” within Canada.

“It’s in the U.S.’s best interest, it’s in our best interest, but most importantly for consumers across North America, that we’re able to trade goods, materials, ingredients, as we have under the trade agreements,” Darby said in an interview.

“It’s a more complex or complicated outcome than it would have been with the Democrats, but we’ve had to deal with this before and we’re going to do our best to deal with it again.”

American economists have also warned Trump’s plan could cause inflation and possibly a recession, which could have ripple effects in Canada.

It’s consumers who will ultimately feel the burden of any inflationary effect caused by broad tariffs, said Darby.

“A tariff tends to raise costs, and it ultimately raises prices, so that’s something that we have to be prepared for,” he said.

“It could tilt production mandates. A tariff makes goods more expensive, but on the same token, it also will make inputs for the U.S. more expensive.”

A report last month by TD economist Marc Ercolao said research shows a full-scale implementation of Trump’s tariff plan could lead to a near-five per cent reduction in Canadian export volumes to the U.S. by early-2027, relative to current baseline forecasts.

Retaliation by Canada would also increase costs for domestic producers, and push import volumes lower in the process.

“Slowing import activity mitigates some of the negative net trade impact on total GDP enough to avoid a technical recession, but still produces a period of extended stagnation through 2025 and 2026,” Ercolao said.

Since the Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement came into effect in 2020, trade between Canada and the U.S. has surged by 46 per cent, according to the Toronto Region Board of Trade.

With that deal is up for review in 2026, Canadian Chamber of Commerce president and CEO Candace Laing said the Canadian government “must collaborate effectively with the Trump administration to preserve and strengthen our bilateral economic partnership.”

“With an impressive $3.6 billion in daily trade, Canada and the United States are each other’s closest international partners. The secure and efficient flow of goods and people across our border … remains essential for the economies of both countries,” she said in a statement.

“By resisting tariffs and trade barriers that will only raise prices and hurt consumers in both countries, Canada and the United States can strengthen resilient cross-border supply chains that enhance our shared economic security.”

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 6, 2024.

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