JAROSLAW KACZYNSKI, the chairman of Poland’s ruling Law and Justice party (PiS), is not a fun-loving type. Otherwise the curmudgeonly godfather of Polish politics might enjoy the irony of passing a law supposedly intended to purge the country of Russian influence, but which has distinctly Stalinist overtones. The law, which hands PiS a powerful cudgel that it could easily misuse to bash or ban its opponents, comes into force just months before an election in which Polish voters will pronounce judgment on his party’s eight years in office.
Approved on May 29th by Andrzej Duda, Poland’s president (pictured, left), the law creates a nine-person state commission to investigate suspected Russian influence operations between 2007 and 2022. Poland would hardly be alone in having experienced Russian interference. Russia hacked Hillary Clinton’s emails during the 2016 American presidential race, wooed German businessmen and ex-politicians to gain influence and funded ultra-nationalist political parties across Europe. In Poland allegations have arisen of Russian involvement in privatisation schemes and of a fondness of pre-PiS governments for Russian energy. PiS spokesmen say the new panel is needed to foster transparency and strengthen the country at a time of heightened threat. “Honest people who acted in the interest of Poland have nothing to hide and nothing to be afraid of,” said Mr Duda.
Yet the commission will not be in any way independent. Its members are to be selected by parliament, which is currently dominated by PiS, and its chair will be appointed by Mateusz Morawiecki, the prime minister and the party’s vice-president. The panel will have access to Poland’s most secret records, as well as the power to summon witnesses and order searches and seizures of documents. Its own deliberations can be held in secret, and its members will be immune from future prosecution. The law’s definition of “Russian interference” is extremely vague. Yet the commission has the power to overturn any administrative decisions that it claims was made under such influence, as well as to bar from public office any person it says helped Russia, for up to ten years.
To many Poles it is clear how such dangerously sweeping powers might be wielded. A poll released on May 29th by United Surveys, a market-research group, found 61% of respondents agreeing the new law was “a pre-election ploy to discredit political opponents”. Nor are Poles the only ones worried. Within hours of the law’s passage America’s State Department issued a statement fretting that the commission “could be used to block the candidacy of opposition politicians without due process”. The European Commission expressed similar concerns and threatened to take “immediate action”. It has already imposed huge fines on Poland over other violations of the rule of law.
The upcoming national election, to be held between mid-October and mid-November, is viewed by many as the most consequential political test Poland has faced since the end of communism in 1990. Most observers expect it to be close. Since coming to power in 2015, PiS has turned the state broadcaster into a propaganda outlet, packed the country’s top courts and tried to take over the entire judicial system. But it has also overseen one of Europe’s strongest economic-growth stories, and national pride has surged as Poles have united behind neighbouring Ukraine.
The opposition is fragmented. It has been put on the back foot by the ruling party’s increasing domination of media as well as of the tools of state. Yet many Poles are angered by the ruling party’s hectoring ways, and worried for the future of their democracy. Mr Kaczynski’s own comments do little to dispel such worries. In a recent letter to supporters the PiS grandee, who shuns executive office but pulls the government’s strings from behind the scenes, warned darkly of foreign (especially German) conspirators working with Polish turncoats. For the opposition to win the election would mean the end of Poland, he declared.
In the past Mr Kaczynski has called prominent opposition politicians traitors and stooges. He appears to bear a particular grudge against Donald Tusk (pictured, right), who leads the country’s biggest opposition party, Civic Platform, and served as prime minister from 2007-14. During this term Mr Kaczynski’s brother, who was then Poland’s president, died in a plane crash in the Russian city of Smolensk along with 95 others. For over a decade, Mr Kaczynski and fellow PiS politicians have propounded a discredited conspiracy theory that Russia was behind the crash. Worse, they accuse Mr Tusk of complicity in a cover-up. Perhaps seeing his opponent disqualified would bring a rare smile to Mr Kaczynski’s face. But the crippling of Polish democracy is no laughing matter. ■
FREDERICTON – A look at David Coon, leader of the Green Party of New Brunswick:
Born: Oct. 28, 1956.
Early years: Born in Toronto and raised in Montreal, he spent about three decades as an environmental advocate.
Education: A trained biologist, he graduated with a bachelor of science from McGill University in Montreal in 1978.
Family: He and his wife Janice Harvey have two daughters, Caroline and Laura.
Before politics: Worked as an environmental educator, organizer, activist and manager for 33 years, mainly with the Conservation Council of New Brunswick.
Politics: Joined the Green Party of Canada in May 2006 and was elected leader of the New Brunswick Green Party in September 2012. Won a seat in the legislature in 2014 — a first for the province’s Greens.
Quote: “It was despicable. He’s clearly decided to take the low road in this campaign, to adopt some Trump-lite fearmongering.” — David Coon on Sept. 12, 2024, reacting to Blaine Higgs’s claim that the federal government had decided to send 4,600 asylum seekers to New Brunswick.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.
FREDERICTON – A look at Blaine Higgs, leader of the Progressive Conservative Party of New Brunswick.
Born: March 1, 1954.
Early years: The son of a customs officer, he grew up in Forest City, N.B., near the Canada-U.S. border.
Education: Graduated from the University of New Brunswick with a degree in mechanical engineering in 1977.
Family: Married his high-school sweetheart, Marcia, and settled in Saint John, N.B., where they had four daughters: Lindsey, Laura, Sarah and Rachel.
Before politics: Hired by Irving Oil a week after he graduated from university and was eventually promoted to director of distribution. Worked for 33 years at the company.
Politics: Elected to the legislature in 2010 and later served as finance minister under former Progressive Conservative Premier David Alward. Elected Tory leader in 2016 and has been premier since 2018.
Quote: “I’ve always felt parents should play the main role in raising children. No one is denying gender diversity is real. But we need to figure out how to manage it.” — Blaine Higgs in a year-end interview in 2023, explaining changes to school policies about gender identity.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.
OTTAWA – The pressing issues of climate change and food security join more familiar ones like violent extremism and espionage on a new list of Canada’s intelligence priorities.
The federal government says publishing the list of priorities for the first time is an important step toward greater transparency.
The government revises the priorities every two years, based on recommendations from the national security adviser and the intelligence community.
Once the priorities are reviewed and approved by the federal cabinet, key ministers issue directives to federal agencies that produce intelligence.
Among the priorities are the security of global health, food, water and biodiversity, as well as the issues of climate change and global sustainability.
The new list also includes foreign interference and malign influence, cyberthreats, infrastructure security, Arctic sovereignty, border integrity and transnational organized crime.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.
