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Politics gets personal in Malaysia – East Asia Forum

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Author: Editorial Board, ANU

When Pakatan Harapan won the 2018 elections in Malaysia, it revealed what really underpinned the rule of the Barisan Nasional government that led Southeast Asia’s third-largest economy for 61 years since independence from Britain.

Malaysia's Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin wearing a protective mask amid the COVID-19 outbreak in Putrajaya, Malaysia, 28 August 2020 (Photo: Reuters/Lim Huey Teng).

Certainly, an electoral system engineered to produce victories for the incumbent coalition, and widespread curbs on civil liberties and the press were part of the formula. But just as in non-communist regimes elsewhere in Southeast Asia, political despots or their hegemonic parties relied on support from business and many citizens who benefited from the spoils of the pre-Asian Financial Crisis boom.

All too often, economic rents came in the form of patronage for favoured companies, industries or social groups. But so long as there was enough patronage to go around, its beneficiaries became contributors to the political and social stability that in turn made Southeast Asia a magnet for investment.

The Asian Financial Crisis laid waste to this formula in Indonesia, sinking the Suharto regime with it, but Malaysia’s then prime minister Mahathir Mohamad outplayed an opposition movement led by his former deputy Anwar Ibrahim.

It would take 20 years, and a begrudging reconciliation between Mahathir and Anwar, for Malaysia to get another chance for change. After the two men led the Pakatan Harapan coalition to victory against the corrupt Najib Razak in 2018, their challenge was to give Malaysians the democratic freedoms that they had only in part enjoyed under Barisan Nasional. Critically, this needed to include an economy that was fairer — especially towards Malaysia’s Chinese and Indian minorities — and less shaped by patronage and cronyism that lay under the cover of the affirmative action schemes aimed at helping the majority Malay population.

Malaysians got a taste of freedom with the post-2018 election window offering an exhilarating opportunity for free discussion of policy, critical media coverage and government engagement with civil society. But it was business as usual on the political economy front, with top jobs in the sprawling SOE sector going to government friends and continued favouritism for ethnic Malays.

Indeed, had the Pakatan Harapan government stayed in office, Malaysia might have transitioned to something like what emerged in Indonesia after 1998: a vibrant democracy at the grassroots, but one in which corruption and cronyism still thrived at the top. A reasonable compromise, many would grudgingly accept.

Malaysia wasn’t to find out. When current Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin formed a new government on the floor of parliament in 2020, it seemed that Malaysia quickly returned to the worst of both worlds — an even more intense patronage politics combined with a return to old patterns of harassment of activists and the press.

It’s tempting to say that Malaysia has returned to the pre-2018 status quo ante. But as William Case writes in our lead article this week, that would be to miss some significant structural shifts in Malaysian politics that predate the 2018 election and have only accelerated over the past two years of political turmoil and pandemic.

Whereas Malaysia’s political parties were among the strongest in Southeast Asia, politics is growing more personalised, factionalised and fluid as parties are hollowed out by internal rivalries and split by inducements for their parliamentarians to join one potential governing coalition or another.

The combination of this increasingly personalistic political culture with a parliamentary political system designed for strong, coherent parties creates real dysfunctions. Case argues that a new mode of power transfer has taken root, whereby leaders have competed stealthily for the loyalties of parliamentary defectors and mastery over back channels to state patronage.

The result is that Malaysia has a prime minister nobody voted for leading a government that nobody voted for. All the while, Muhyiddin’s own internal rivals seek to gain the numbers on the floor of parliament to replace him, with or without the bother of an election.

Not wanting to be given a taste of his own medicine, Muhyiddin sought to pull the ladder up after himself. In early January, Malaysia’s monarch declared a state of emergency after a spike in COVID-19 cases. Muhyiddin had previously appealed for a declaration of emergency but was knocked back. Both times it was a transparent attempt on Muhyiddin’s part to suspend parliamentary procedures, buying him time to consolidate power within his governing coalition as the threat of a no-confidence vote appeared imminent.

What’s more remarkable, Case suggests, is that Malaysia’s monarchs appear to have gladly taken on their new role as parliamentary king-makers. This is ‘an astonishing royal revival’ for a monarchy where previously the dominance of UMNO meant that hereditary rulers had negligible leverage to affect politics by exercising their constitutional prerogatives to appoint prime ministers. With razor-thin margins supporting the past two governments, the systemic role of the Malaysian monarchy is now a factor to watch very closely.

The old certainties of Malaysian politics are well and truly out the window, yet a new equilibrium is yet to emerge. That the fitful emergence of a ‘new normal’ is occurring in a once-in-a-century global pandemic makes the situation all the more difficult to predict. If one is looking for a picture of what Malaysian politics will look like in the years ahead, the country’s own history is probably an imperfect guide. Instead, Malaysia may well look more like the Southeast Asian norm than it ever has: a modernising economy paradoxically beset by a politics of personalism, patronage and arbitrary rule.

The EAF Editorial Board is located in the Crawford School of Public Policy, College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University.

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‘Disgraceful:’ N.S. Tory leader slams school’s request that military remove uniform

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HALIFAX – Nova Scotia Premier Tim Houston says it’s “disgraceful and demeaning” that a Halifax-area school would request that service members not wear military uniforms to its Remembrance Day ceremony.

Houston’s comments were part of a chorus of criticism levelled at the school — Sackville Heights Elementary — whose administration decided to back away from the plan after the outcry.

A November newsletter from the school in Middle Sackville, N.S., invited Armed Forces members to attend its ceremony but asked that all attendees arrive in civilian attire to “maintain a welcoming environment for all.”

Houston, who is currently running for re-election, accused the school’s leaders of “disgracing themselves while demeaning the people who protect our country” in a post on the social media platform X Thursday night.

“If the people behind this decision had a shred of the courage that our veterans have, this cowardly and insulting idea would have been rejected immediately,” Houston’s post read. There were also several calls for resignations within the school’s administration attached to Houston’s post.

In an email to families Thursday night, the school’s principal, Rachael Webster, apologized and welcomed military family members to attend “in the attire that makes them most comfortable.”

“I recognize this request has caused harm and I am deeply sorry,” Webster’s email read, adding later that the school has the “utmost respect for what the uniform represents.”

Webster said the initial request was out of concern for some students who come from countries experiencing conflict and who she said expressed discomfort with images of war, including military uniforms.

Her email said any students who have concerns about seeing Armed Forces members in uniform can be accommodated in a way that makes them feel safe, but she provided no further details in the message.

Webster did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

At a news conference Friday, Houston said he’s glad the initial request was reversed but said he is still concerned.

“I can’t actually fathom how a decision like that was made,” Houston told reporters Friday, adding that he grew up moving between military bases around the country while his father was in the Armed Forces.

“My story of growing up in a military family is not unique in our province. The tradition of service is something so many of us share,” he said.

“Saying ‘lest we forget’ is a solemn promise to the fallen. It’s our commitment to those that continue to serve and our commitment that we will pass on our respects to the next generation.”

Liberal Leader Zach Churchill also said he’s happy with the school’s decision to allow uniformed Armed Forces members to attend the ceremony, but he said he didn’t think it was fair to question the intentions of those behind the original decision.

“We need to have them (uniforms) on display at Remembrance Day,” he said. “Not only are we celebrating (veterans) … we’re also commemorating our dead who gave the greatest sacrifice for our country and for the freedoms we have.”

NDP Leader Claudia Chender said that while Remembrance Day is an important occasion to honour veterans and current service members’ sacrifices, she said she hopes Houston wasn’t taking advantage of the decision to “play politics with this solemn occasion for his own political gain.”

“I hope Tim Houston reached out to the principal of the school before making a public statement,” she said in a statement.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 8, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Saskatchewan NDP’s Beck holds first caucus meeting after election, outlines plans

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REGINA – Saskatchewan Opposition NDP Leader Carla Beck says she wants to prove to residents her party is the government in waiting as she heads into the incoming legislative session.

Beck held her first caucus meeting with 27 members, nearly double than what she had before the Oct. 28 election but short of the 31 required to form a majority in the 61-seat legislature.

She says her priorities will be health care and cost-of-living issues.

Beck says people need affordability help right now and will press Premier Scott Moe’s Saskatchewan Party government to cut the gas tax and the provincial sales tax on children’s clothing and some grocery items.

Beck’s NDP is Saskatchewan’s largest Opposition in nearly two decades after sweeping Regina and winning all but one seat in Saskatoon.

The Saskatchewan Party won 34 seats, retaining its hold on all of the rural ridings and smaller cities.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 8, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Nova Scotia election: Liberals say province’s immigration levels are too high

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HALIFAX – Nova Scotia‘s growing population was the subject of debate on Day 12 of the provincial election campaign, with Liberal Leader Zach Churchill arguing immigration levels must be reduced until the province can provide enough housing and health-care services.

Churchill said Thursday a plan by the incumbent Progressive Conservatives to double the province’s population to two million people by the year 2060 is unrealistic and unsustainable.

“That’s a big leap and it’s making life harder for people who live here, (including ) young people looking for a place to live and seniors looking to downsize,” he told a news conference at his campaign headquarters in Halifax.

Anticipating that his call for less immigration might provoke protests from the immigrant community, Churchill was careful to note that he is among the third generation of a family that moved to Nova Scotia from Lebanon.

“I know the value of immigration, the importance of it to our province. We have been built on the backs of an immigrant population. But we just need to do it in a responsible way.”

The Liberal leader said Tim Houston’s Tories, who are seeking a second term in office, have made a mistake by exceeding immigration targets set by the province’s Department of Labour and Immigration. Churchill said a Liberal government would abide by the department’s targets.

In the most recent fiscal year, the government welcomed almost 12,000 immigrants through its nominee program, exceeding the department’s limit by more than 4,000, he said. The numbers aren’t huge, but the increase won’t help ease the province’s shortages in housing and doctors, and the increased strain on its infrastructure, including roads, schools and cellphone networks, Churchill said.

“(The Immigration Department) has done the hard work on this,” he said. “They know where the labour gaps are, and they know what growth is sustainable.”

In response, Houston said his commitment to double the population was a “stretch goal.” And he said the province had long struggled with a declining population before that trend was recently reversed.

“The only immigration that can come into this province at this time is if they are a skilled trade worker or a health-care worker,” Houston said. “The population has grown by two per cent a year, actually quite similar growth to what we experienced under the Liberal government before us.”

Still, Houston said he’s heard Nova Scotians’ concerns about population growth, and he then pivoted to criticize Prime Minister Justin Trudeau for trying to send 6,000 asylum seekers to Nova Scotia, an assertion the federal government has denied.

Churchill said Houston’s claim about asylum seekers was shameful.

“It’s smoke and mirrors,” the Liberal leader said. “He is overshooting his own department’s numbers for sustainable population growth and yet he is trying to blame this on asylum seekers … who aren’t even here.”

In September, federal Immigration Minister Marc Miller said there is no plan to send any asylum seekers to the province without compensation or the consent of the premier. He said the 6,000 number was an “aspirational” figure based on models that reflect each province’s population.

In Halifax, NDP Leader Claudia Chender said it’s clear Nova Scotia needs more doctors, nurses and skilled trades people.

“Immigration has been and always will be a part of the Nova Scotia story, but we need to build as we grow,” Chender said. “This is why we have been pushing the Houston government to build more affordable housing.”

Chender was in a Halifax cafe on Thursday when she promised her party would remove the province’s portion of the harmonized sales tax from all grocery, cellphone and internet bills if elected to govern on Nov. 26. The tax would also be removed from the sale and installation of heat pumps.

“Our focus is on helping people to afford their lives,” Chender told reporters. “We know there are certain things that you can’t live without: food, internet and a phone …. So we know this will have the single biggest impact.”

The party estimates the measure would save the average Nova Scotia family about $1,300 a year.

“That’s a lot more than a one or two per cent HST cut,” Chender said, referring to the Progressive Conservative pledge to reduce the tax by one percentage point and the Liberal promise to trim it by two percentage points.

Elsewhere on the campaign trail, Houston announced that a Progressive Conservative government would make parking free at all Nova Scotia hospitals and health-care centres. The promise was also made by the Liberals in their election platform released Monday.

“Free parking may not seem like a big deal to some, but … the parking, especially for people working at the facilities, can add up to hundreds of dollars,” the premier told a news conference at his campaign headquarters in Halifax.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 7, 2024.

— With files from Keith Doucette in Halifax

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